(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Latest Data Remain Full of Normalization Puzzles

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Biden, CCP Virus, China, construction, coronavirus, COVID 19, Donald Trump, exports, goods trade, imports, inflation, inflation adjusted wages, labor shortages, leisure and hospitality, lockdowns, manufacturing, metals, non-oil goods trade deficit, non-supervisory workers, private sector, real wages, reopening, retail, services trade, shutdowns, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, transportation, wage inflation, wages, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

While I was away for a few days last week, two major U.S. government reports came out both giving off conflicting signals on on whether the economy has started to return to normal in critical ways as the CCP Virus subsides and reopening, along with consequent changes in consumer behavior, proceed.

The monthly trade figures (for April) showed a sequential decline, following a record surge, in America’s chronically huge gap between exports and much larger amounts of imports. Moreover the monthly drop took place as economic growth sped along at unusual rates after being shut down by government mandates and consumer caution. So maybe they’re an early sign that a return to immediate pre-virus conditions has begun?

Or is their most important message that these deficits, and especially the import levels, are still hovering near all-time highs in (the most widely followed) pre-inflation terms even though the economy as of the latest (first quarter) numbers is still a bit smaller in (the most widely followed) inflation-adjusted terms than during the last full pre-pandemic quarter (the fourth quarter of 2019)?

Indeed, the deficits are gargantuan even though President Biden has left former President Trump’s substantial tariffs on metals and goods from China practically untouched. 

The monthly inflation numbers (for May) are similarly confusing. They revealed that consumer prices (just one inflation measure published by Washington, but an important one) rose by 4.93 percent in seasonally adjusted terms. That was their fastest annual pace since September, 2008’s 4.95 percent. Surely, as widely claimed (including by the Federal Reserve, which wields so much influence over the economy, this upswing stems from a combination of bottlenecks resulting from (1) the sudden, widespread reopening; (2) the unusually low overall inflation numbers generated a year ago, when the economy was near the depths of its viruts- and shutdown-induced slump; and (3) the immense dose of stimulus injected into the economy by both elected politicians and the unelected Fed.

At the same time, the Fed has told us that its stimulus isn’t ending anytime soon, and although the Biden administration and Congressional Democrats are displaying some cold feet about approving more such levels of economic fuel (e.g., in the form of outlays on infrastructure, and a wide variety of income supports and enhanced unemployment benefits), it’s difficult to imagine that most or even much of this spending will actually be withdrawn even once a post-virus recovery is an indisputable reality.

But the biggest surprise of all: Despite the economy-wide inflation pressures, and by-now-routine claims that employers are dealing with nearly crippling labor shortages, wages overall adjusted for inflation keep going down.

Compounding the confusion over whatever conclusions can legitimately be drawn from these two reports: They cover two different months.

But let’s begin with the most important details from the April trade report. The ambiguity embodied in the data begins with the total deficit figure. The record March result was revised up from $74.45 billion to $75.03 billion but April’s $68.90 shortfall for goods and services combined, though the second worst monthly figure ever, was 8.17 percent smaller. That’s the biggest sequential drop since February, 2020 (8.39 percent), when China’s export-heavy economy was still largely closed because of the virus.

The same holds for the goods trade gap. The record March figure was revised up, too, from $91.56 billion to $92.86 billion. But April’s $86.68 billion result represented a 6.65 percent monthly decline, and this falloff was the biggest since the 8.39 percent plunge of January, 2019 – when American businesses were still adjusting both to Trump’s tariffs and anticipated tariffs.

Also still fueling the high U.S. deficits – a worsening of services trade balances. Here, U.S. trade has long been in surplus, but the surpluses keep shrinking because service sectors like travel are still suffering from the pandemic’s arrival and the consequent decimation of travel and othe transportation in particular. In fact, the April figure of $17.78 billion was the lowest since September, 2012’s $18.62 billion.

One key set of trade flows does, however, provide some evidence of Trump tariff effectiveness – U.S. non-oil goods trade, which encompasses those exports and imports whose magnitudes are most heavily influenced by trade policy (because, as known by RealityChek regulars, trade in oil is almost never the subject of any trade policy decisions and services trade liberalization remains at very early stages). In April, the monthly shortfall retreated 4.16 percent from its March record of $90.12 billion to $86.37 billion – which is only the fourth highest such total ever.

The import figures I focused on last month exhibit the same overall patterns: April saw big drops from record levels but the absolute numbers remain distressingly high. March’s initially reported record $274.48 billion in total imports was revised up considerably – to $277.69 billion. April’s total of $273.89 billion represented a 1.37 percent drop, but nonetheless was the second worst such figure on record.

March’s record monthly goods import figure was upgraded, too – from $234.44 billion to $236.52 billion. April’s total of $231.97 billion was a 1.92 percent drop but these purchases also still represented the second highest of alll time.

As for non-oil goods imports, the $215.33 billion April total was 1.98 percent down from an upwardly revised record $219.68 billion, and also the second biggest ever. Biggest drop since last April’s 10.91

Whether normalization is returning in manufacturing is more difficult to tell. Imports in March hit a record $207.59 billion, and did drop by 4.59 percent sequentially to $198.06 billion in April. That decrease, however, was a typical monthly move for manufacturing imports, and the April figure was still the third highest ever.

Incidentally, the April manufacturing deficit of $103.60 billion was 4.64 percent lower than March’s $108.66 billion. The March total was the second highest on record, but April’s figure was only the seventh all-time worst. The record, $110.20 billion, came last October, and it’s notable that the gap has narrowed on net despite the resilience shown during the pandemic period by manufacturing output.

More evidence of the Trump tariffs’ impact comes from the data on goods trade with China – whose products have attracted nearly all of these levies, and that cover hundreds of billions of dollars worth of products. The April figure of $37.59 billion was 6.56 percent lower than its March predecessor – a thoroughly unexceptional sequential decline and monthly level by historical standards. But the monthly dropoff was consideraby greater than the aforementioned 1.98 percent decrease for non-oil goods – the closest global proxy.

As a result of all these inconclusive developments, I’ll be awaiting the May trade report with even more interest than usual.

But despite all the uncertainties I mentioned at the start of this post, those May inflation figures have made me more confident than before in my previous contention that current price surges are anomalies by the extremely low inflation generated by the CCP Virus-battered economy of a year ago, and by the sudden reopening of so much of the economy following the long shutdowns and lockdowns. Even clearer, as I see it: Claims of significant, troubling wage inflation are especially weak.

After all, that 4.93 percent year-on-year May price increase followed a previous May-to-May rise that was just 0.22 percent. That was the feeblest such rise since September, 2015’s 0.13 percent. In addition, May’s month-to-month 0.64 price advance was smaller than April’s 0.77 percent. Two months do not a trend make, but these numbers certainly don’t point to raging inflation fires.

Nor do the wage data. Otherwise after-inflation total private sector wages wouldn’t be down more on-month in May (-0.18 percent) than in April (-0.09 percent). And the same couldn’t be said of constant dollar wages for non-supervisory workers (-0.20 percent in May versus flat in April).

Getting more granular, the price-adjusted wage trends are as bad or worse in construction; trade, transportation and utilities overall; retail trade; and education and health services.

The two big exceptions: the leisure and hospitality workforces that have been so decimated by the virus (and especially the non-supervisory group) and the transportation and warehousing sub-sector of the transportation and utilities industry category that contains a trucking sector unusually strained by the rapid reopening. In both cases, however, (and especially the leisure and hospitality industry), inflation-adjusted wages in absolute terms are well below the national private sector average. If anything, therefore, it seems like some wage inflation for these workers is long overdue.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Virus Keeps Trade Figures, Like the Whole U.S. Economy, on a Roller Coaster

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Advanced Technology Products, CCP Virus, China, coronavirus, COVID 19, goods imports, imports, lockdowns, manufacturing, reopening, shipping, Trade, trade deficit, West Coast ports, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Since I keep writing that U.S. trade figures – as well as other economic data – have been and continue to be thoroughly distorted by the sudden stop-start nature of the CCP Virus-era economy, it seems time to replace my usual monthly format with one that shows just how out-of-the-ordinary trade flows have become.

The best evidence? The latest (March) monthly changes in imports reported today by the Census Bureau. Although the understandable headlines for the press coverage of this release focused on the record shortfalls in the overall trade gap ($74.45 billion) and in the goods shortfall ($91.56 billion), to me, the real story for March concerns the big, practically across-the-board jumps in American purchases from abroad – which of course also owe in part to the long-awaited easing of big (virus-related) backups in the West Coast ports through which so many goods enter the nation from Asia. (This congestion has also hampered American exports.)

So on to the March import figures. For combined goods and services, these purchases rose by 6.34 percent sequentially, to $274.45 billion. The absolute total is an all-time record, and the monthly increase the biggest since July’s 10.88 percent, when the economy was starting its first reopening phase.

Goods imports alone grew by 6.98 percent on-month in March, to $234.44 billion. That advance was also the biggest since July, when they surged by 12.31 percent. And the actual March level was the highest on record, too.

Interestingly, the import flows affected most by tariffs and other U.S. trade policy decisions – in goods other than oil – climbed a bit more slowly in March than overall goods imports: by 6.48 percent, to an all-time best (worst?) $217.69 billion. As with that non-oil goods category, the sequential rise was the fastest since July (12.18 percent), but these inflows rose only half as much.

The CCP Virus effect seems to have been especially pronounced in manufacturing. March imports of industrial goods hit a record $207.59 billion, and soared by 22.98 percent sequentially. That increase was the biggest since March, 2015 – when a 23.44 percent rise largely represented a February slump caused by harsh winter weather. By contrast, manufactures imports grew strongly last July, too – during the first economy-wide virus rebound – but by just 12.08 percent.

Within manufacturing, advanced technology imports in March, at $44.54 billion, fell short of their all-time high ($47.25 billion in October, 2018). But the sequential increase of 24.06 percent was the greatest since that weather afffected March, 2015 (24.87 percent).

March goods imports from China expanded a healthy 18.23 percent sequentially in March. But the $40.23 billion monthly total was well below record levels, too. This increase was also way less than the 59.02 percent rocket ride these purchases took in April, 2020, but that occurred when China’s economy was rebounding from its own CCP Virus lockdown. So the March figure could indicate that the Trump tariffs have started to fail.

At the same time, March goods imports from Asia-Pacific countries as a whole (a U.S. government grouping that includes China) ballooned by 25.11 percent on month – considerably faster than China’s increase, and their biggest monthly rise since that weather-affected March, 2015 (32.43 percent). That’s evidence that the Trump tariffs have indeed kept disadvantaging China.

As a result, even if the March trade figures simply extend an already lengthy string of CCP Virus-era official U.S. economic data, and say little about the economy’s fundamentals or even the effectiveness of U.S. tariffs, it still seems valuable to me to be reminded every now and then just how out-there these statistics remain.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New U.S. GDP Figures Report Record – and Virus-Distorted – Trade Deficits

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CCP Virus, Commerce Department, coronavirus, COVID 19, Donald Trump, exports, GDP, goods trade, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, real GDP, real trade deficit, recession, recovery, services trade, Trade, trade deficit, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Because the entire U.S. economy has been so distorted by sudden stop-start nature of the CCP Virus and subsequent lockdowns and reopenings, and massive government stimulus measures, I’ve been hesitant to draw firm conclusions about the messages sent by the various reports on the economy’s performance issued by the government since the pandemic arrived.

I’m still hesitant, but this morning’s Commerce Department report on the economy’s growth in the first quarter of this year seemed especially interesting due to the signs it contained that America’s trade flows might be returning to some semblance of normality. The signs consist of quarter-to-quarter changes in deficits, exports, and imports that are decidedly moderating.

To start, that conclusion is also consistent with the moderating of changes in economic growth itself. Measured in inflation-adjusted terms, this intiial read on America’s gross domestic product (GDP – the total of goods and services turned out by the nation) revealed growth of 6.24 percent at an annual rate in the first quarter. By the standards of normal times recent decades, this is a blistering pace. In fact, leaving out the pandemic period, it was the best such performance since the 6.80 percent achieved in the third quarter of 2003.

But by pandemic standards, although it’s a speed up from the 4.26 percent registered in the fourth quarter of last year, it’s not that much of a speed up, especially given how much stimulus has been poured into the economy. And compared with the 29.91 percent real GDP pop in last year’s third quarter, however, it’s definitely smallish beans.

The trade figures comprising part of this GDP report generally followed suit. For example, the first quarter’s after-inflation trade deficit of $1.1755 trillion was an all-time quarterly record both in absolute terms, and more important, as a share of the whole economy (6.16 percent). The last time the trade deficit’s relative size was remotely that big was during the fourth quarter of 2005 (6.10 percent) – during a time now known as the bubble decade that preceded the financial crisis and Great Recession of 2007-2009.

Yet the deficit’s quarter-to-quarter growth rate of 4.77 percent was considerably slower than the fourth quarter’s 10.12 percent, and the record (by a long shot) 31.47 percent recorded during that extraordinarily high growth third quarter.

The same pattern is unfolding so far with the trade gap in goods. At $1.3463 trillion annualized it marked the third straight quarterly record in absolute terms. But the sequential growth rate of 3.46 percent was well off quarterly the rate of 6.94 percent in the fourth quarter, much less the 21.58 percent in the third quarter.

Trade in services – the part of the national and global economies hardest hit by the virus and the lockdowns – has taken less of a straight line route in terms of quarterly change, but moderation can be seen here, too. The quarterly surplus of $165.1 million was the smallest recorded since the $1.57 million during the third quarter of 2009 – when the economy was just beginning to crawl out of the Great Recession.

The quarterly shrinkage of 4.95 percent was, though, As less than a third as great as the fourth quarter’s 17.29 percent – though that nosedive was greater than the third quarter’s 10.48 percent.

Approaching normality was also indicated by another trade-related figure – the degree to which these changes in the deficit have affected overall growth. During the first quarter of this year, the sequential rise of the price-adjusted trade deficit subtracted 0.87 percentage points from annualized real GDP growth figure, which hit 6.24 percent. So that trade shortfall increase affected 13.94 percent of the growth figure (for the worse).

As discouraging as that result was, however, the trade effect was much smaller than in the fourth quarter of last year. Then, the big surge in the inflation-adjusted trade gap cut 1.53 percentage points from real GDP growth, which hit 4.26 percent annualized. In other words, the trade deficit affected 35.92 percent of the growth figure (again for the worse).

The trade affect was actually smaller in relative terms during the record GDP growth third quarter – reducing real GDP expansion, which neared 30 percent at annual rates, by 3.21 percentage points.

But for some context, the last time the trade hit to real economic growth was seen in this statistical neighborhood was the third quarter of 1982, when dragged down a sequential after-inflation contraction of 1.53 percent by 3.22 percentage points. That is, without the increase in the trade deficit, the overall economy would have grown. And the all-time record was set way back in the fourth quarter of 1947 – when a rising trade shortfall cut 4.23 percentage points out of a growth rate that his 6.25 percent annualized.

Larger trade effects have been seen occasionally when a quarterly improvement in the deficit bolstered growth. But these instances came during deep downturns – as in the second quarter of 1980 and the first quarter of 1975.

Nevertheless, a case can be made that the CCP Virus related distortions of the economy and U.S. trade flows still have a ways to go. After all, more massive government stimulus seems to be coming, and new pandemic waves are washing over major portions of Europe and Asia, which of course are important American export markets. And until the roller coaster ride is over, assessing the true state of the economy and trade flows will remain a serious challenge.

Moreover, even if the distortions are indeed over, these particular trade figures are of little help in assessing the ongoing impact of the Trump trade policy revolution engineered from 2017 to last year.  Luckily, the next set of needed details is due out next Tuesday, when the March monthly trade report is slated to be released.      

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Spring-y New U.S. Manufacturing Production Report

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aerospace, automotive, Biden, Boeing, CCP Virus, coronavirus, COVID 19, Donald Trump, Federal Reserve, health security, imports, industrial production, inflation-adjusted output, infrastructure, machinery, manufacturing, pharmaceuticals, PPE, real growth, semiconductor shortage, stimulus, supply chain, tariffs, Trade, trade war, vaccines, ventilators, West Coast ports, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

You might call today’s March U.S. manufacturing production figures from the Federal Reserve a good news/bad news/good news story. Moreover, the new data on inflation-adjusted factory output contained a surprise worth noting.

First the good news/bad news/good news. The Fed report showed that real domestic manufacturing output rose by 2.79 percent on month in March. That was the best such result since July’s 4.25 percent – much earlier during the recovery from the deep CCP Virus- and lockdowns-induced recession. Rebounds from major downturns tend to be strongest earliest, especially for highly cyclical sectors of the economy like manufacturing, and that surely went double for a slump largely caused by an outside shock like a pandemic and dramatic government responses, rather than one caused by a market-based economy’s ordinary fluctuations.

The bad news was that this robust growth followed a February sequential drop of 3.72 percent that was the worst monthly performance since pandemicky April’s 15.83 percent plunge. Moreover, this revised February figure was a significant downgrade from the initially reported 3.12 percent decline. The other revisions, going back to October, were too small to affect the picture over the last few months.

But then there’s that second piece of good news: As the Fed’s release explained this morning, the lousy February numbers “largely resulted from widespread outages related to severe winter weather in the south central region of the country.” So they stemmed from a (temporary) outside shock, too.

The surprise? Although the U.S. automotive industry continues reducing production due to a global shortage of semiconductors, output in price-adjusted terms grew by 2.79 percent sequentially in March. At the same time, the February fall-off was revised down from 8.26 percent to ten percent even. And the shortage is expected to undercut vehicle production until the fall, so that’s a drag likely to weigh on the overall manufacturing figures for months.

The total March manufacturing figure means that domestic industry’s after-inflation production has grown by 22.88 percent since its recent low-point last April, and has climbed back to within 1.73 percent of its last pre-pandemic reading in February, 2020.

Manufacturing’s monthly current dollar output gains were broadbased in March, including in the crucial machinery sector. In this industry, whose products are widely used not only throughout manufacturing, but in many other important segments of the economy like construction and agriculture, price-adjusted production improved by 2.87 percent. And now it actually stands 2.16 percent higher than during that last pre-CCP Virus month of February, 2020.

Although the semiconductor shortage is bound to crimp production in many industries on top of automotive, domestic manufacturing still seems to be benefiting from two headwinds other than the economy’s generally improving strength that seem to have some staying power, too. The first is aerospace giant Boeing’s continuing, but sometimes uneven, progress exiting its protracted recent safety and manufacturing problems. The pandemic’s blow to air travel worldwide clearly didn’t help, either.

But in March, real output in aircraft and parts jumped by 4.09 percent sequentially, and is now fully 5.07 percent above its February, 2020 pre-CCP Virus level.

The picture was more mixed in the pharmaceutical and medicines category – which includes vaccines. Inflation-adjusted output advanced by 2.90 percent on month in March, but the previously reported January and February numbers were both downgraded dramatically – from an upwardly revised 2.57 percent to 0.85 percent, and from a 1.29 percent rise to a 0.05 percent dip. These moves left the sector’s output 5.83 percent higher than in pre-pandemic February, 2020 with the prospect of more impovement to come as vaccine production continues to boom.

Growth is still lagging, however, in the vital medical equipment and supplies sector – which includes virus-fighting items like face masks, face masks, protective gowns, and ventilators. February’s constant-dollar production was revised up from a 0.56 percent monthly decline to a 0.44 percent drop – but it was still a drop. Growth returned in March – but only by 0.61 percent in real terms. So price-adjusted output in this category – which includes many other products – is still slightly (0.39 percent) below pre-pandemic February, 2020’s levels, despite all the national talk of the need to improve America’s health security.

I’m still bullish on manufacturing’s outlook, though. No one should forget headwinds facing industry aside from the semiconductor shortage – chiefly, the fading of vaccine production at some point, the distinct possibility of many more regulations and higher taxes from a Democratic-conrolled federal government, and the supply chain disruptions resulting largely from clogged West Coast ports (which on top of the Trump tariffs are slowing the import of many foreign inputs still needed by Made in the USA companies).

But arguably more than offsetting these dangers is the so far better-than-expected resumption of total U.S. growth, the virtual certainty of even yet another gigantic dose of stimulus an infrastructure spending, along with President Biden’s decision to retain every dollar’s worth of those sweeping, often towering Trump trade curbs.

Yet much more important than my views is the continuing optimism registered by domestic manufacturers in all of the soft data surveys that come out each month from the private sector and from various branches of the Federal Reserve system. If they’re full of confidence, who am I to rain on their parade?

Im-Politic: Why Progressives (& Mainstream Democrats) May Ditch American Workers For Good

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Bernie Sanders, Biden, budget deficits, Democrats, Donald Trump, economics, Elizabeth Warren, Im-Politic, Immigration, imports, manufacturing, Modern Monetary Theory, productivity, progressives, Stephanie Kelton, The New York Times, Trade, wages, working class

If you want to start a (hopefully verbal only) fight about American politics, one good way is to tell a Democrat that his or her party – and especially its powerful progressive wing – has been abandoning the country’s private sector working class in favor of what New York Times columnist Ross Douthat just called “the winners of globalization, from wealthy suburbanites to Wall Street and Silicon Valley elites….”  (Here’s some polling evidence for this proposition.)

So it’s more than a little interesting that if you take this position, you’ve recently gotten some devastating ammunition from no less than one of progressivism’s leading intellectual lights – economist Stephanie Kelton.

Kelton has achieved renown for her pioneering “Modern Monetary Theory” take on economic policy. As she has explained, it holds that “Governments in nations that maintain control of their own currencies — like Japan, Britain and the United States, and unlike Greece, Spain and Italy — can increase spending without needing to raise taxes or borrow currency from other countries or investors.”

Naturally, Democrats of most stripes have seized on this argument to varying extents to justify running much bigger federal budget deficits to deal much more ambitiously with a whole host of national problems – to engineering an adequate recovery from the CCP Virus-induced recession to remedying major social and economic ills that they believe dangerously plagued the economy before the pandemic.

One aspect of Kelton’s views, though, has been widely ignored, and it’s this stance that led her last week to support explicitly measures with proven records of harming domestic U.S. private sector workers but with which the increasingly elitist Democratic Party has grown increasingly comfortable over the last decade or so – on trade and especially immigration policy.

The ignored Kelton stance: on inflation. As she has specified (in the column linked above), “Politics aside, the only economic constraints currency-issuing states face are inflation and the availability of labor and other material resources in the real economy.” And in the author’s latest column, she argues that it’s precisely the appearance of these threats today that require the Biden administration to embrace unfettered trade and mass immigration policies.

As Kelton puts it, the combination of (1) President Biden’s massive spending plans and (2) undeniable contraints on the nation’s capacity to supply all the new demand that they’ll create will produce worrisome inflationary pressures. Too many customers will be chasing too few products to buy, thereby forcing up the prices of the latter and possibly generating more economic problems than this new consumption solves.

Among the solutions she offers? Enabling the economy much more easily to satisfy all the new demand by accessing productive capacity from abroad. Thus she suggests both

“Repealing tariffs would make it easier and cheaper for American businesses to buy supplies manufactured abroad and easier for consumers to spend more of their income on products made outside of our borders, draining off some domestic demand pressures” and

“loosening legal-immigration policies, so that even once America nears full employment there would still be an adequate labor pool to meet the increased demand for workers.”

These arguments are entirely consistent with more conventional schools of economic thought – which have long insisted that the freest possible worldwide flows of goods, services, and people will lead to the greatest possible degree of prosperity for the world as a whole.

The problem, though, is that recent decades have taught that when the United States opens its economy wide to a world full of countries that still tightly protect their own markets, and when it opens its borders wide to enormous foreign populations with much lower living standards, American workers take major hits. Abundant research even in the mainstream economics community, for example, has documented the devastating impact of the “China shock” on trade, and the Trump years showed that when immigration curbs helped U.S. labor markets tighten to unprecedented levels, wages for low-income workers, who overall compete directly for employment against illegal aliens, rose especially strongly.   

For many years, Kelton’s fellow Democrats and progressives have been increasingly determined to deny these immigration realities – even when employment levels have been less than stellar. And although private sector labor union-oriented Democrats and even progressives like Senators Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Bernie Sanders of Vermont still champion what might be called America First trade policies, the party’s rank and file has grown much more enthusiastic about the pre-Trump version of economic globalization — as indicated by the below survey results from the Pew Research Center.

Even more curious, and troubling for the economy as a whole: Kelton sorely neglects the concept of productivity, and the importance of continually boosting the economy’s efficiency in order to boost living standards in sustainable, as opposed to bubbly, ways.

Kelton does write that “Over time, the Biden plan’s investments in our physical and human infrastructure will enhance our economy’s productive capacity, leaving us with a better educated and more productive work force, more efficient railways, less congested roadways, improved technologies and much else.”    

But she also adds, crucially, “this can’t happen overnight. It will take years.”  Presumably, then she’d be OK with dropping the open trade policies at least to some degree.  What she misses, however, are the (further) productivity-killing effects bound to emerge during that period of re-enabling imports in sectors like manufacturing – which are central to the nation’s hopes for retaining sufficient productive capacity. 

Indeed, she seems unaware that those manufacturing sectors that have been heavily dependent on artificially cheap imports have been major productiviy laggards. (The same holds for parts of the economy that have leaned heavily on the comparable crutch of immigrant labor – especially low-wage, low-skill immigrant labor).

Kelton of course is only one Democratic party thinker, and as she complained in her latest Times column, too many Democratic leaders – including the President – are still clinging to their supposedly outmoded views on spending and taxing and promoting U.S.-made manufactures.  And as mentioned, even within progressive ranks, her views on trade may not prevail against the Warren and Sanders perspective.

But it’s just as reasonable to believe that progressives hold the whip hand among  Democrats today on many issues, and Kelton played the biggest role in turning their spending-happy views into virtual party orthodoxy.  If her immigration and especially trade positions take the same course, the Democrats’ once unchallengeable identity as “the party of the common man” will become an example of transparently false advertising.       

P.S. Special thanks to my Twitter friend who goes by the handle @RocCityBuilt for first alerting me to the trade and immigration material in Kelton’s latest article.   

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Record U.S. Trade Gap – & Cause for Trade Optimism??

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American Jobs Plan, Biden, Buy American, CCP Virus, Census Bureau, China, coronavirus, corporate taxes, COVID 19, Donald Trump, exports, goods trade deficit, green energy, imports, lockdowns, Made in Washington trade flows, Pacific Rim, reopening, semiconductor shortage, services trade, subsidies, supply chains, tariffs, tax policy, taxes, Trade, trade deficit, vaccines, West Coast ports, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Despite the overall U.S. trade deficit hitting an all-time monthly high in February, the new trade figures released by the Census Bureau this morning contained lots of encouraging news – including for fans of the Trump tariffs on China and on aluminum and steel (like me). I’m wary of running or continuing a victory lap, because there’s still too much short- and perhaps longer term economic noise surely masking the underlying trends. But the case for trade optimism and its possible policy causes deserves attention.

As for that economic noise, it comes of course not only from the ongoing stop/start CCP Virus- and lockdowns-/reopenings/vaccinations-related distortions of all economic data, but from the harsh winter weather that depressed February economic activity in key areas of the country like Texas; the global shortage of semiconductors that’s impacting output throughout the manufacturing sector (and that’s due in part to the pandemic); and the big backups at the West Coast ports that are greatly slowing the unloading of container ships containing lots of imports from China and the rest of Asia.

As for the data, the combined goods and services trade shortfall of $71.08 billion in February surpassed the previous record, November’s $69.04 billion, by 2.95 percent, and represented a 4.80 percent increase over January’s downwardly revised level of $67.82 billion.

The increase resulted both from a rise in the goods trade gap (of 3.27 percent, to its own record of $88.01 billion) and a shrinkage of the services surplus (of 2.93 percent, to $16.93 billion – the smallest since August, 2012’s $17.08 billion).

Trade flows not setting records, though, notably included any of the imports categories – despite numerous reports of the rapidly rebounding U.S. economy sucking in massive amounts of products (though not services, which have suffered an outsized CCP Virus blow) from abroad.

For example, total merchandise imports actually fell on month in February – by 0.89 percent, to $221.14 billion, from January’s record total of $221.12 billion. Still, the February figure remains in second place historically speaking.

Non-oil goods imports inched up by 0.38 percent sequentially in February – from $85.36 billion to $85.68 billion. But they still fell short of the November record of $86.40 billion. As known by RealityChek regulars, this trade category sheds the most light on the impact on trade flows of trade policy decisions, like tariff changes and trade agreements. (Hence I call the resulting shortfall the Made in Washington trade deficit.) But despite the lofty level, they’re actually down on net since November. Could it be those West Coast ports snags or the harsh winter storms of February or semiconductor-specific problems? Maybe.

The evidence for those propositions? U.S. goods imports from Pacific Rim countries – which are serviced by the West Coast ports – did sink by 11.81 percent on month in February. That’s a much faster rate than the 1.54 percent decrease in overall non-oil goods imports (a close proxy).

But goods imports from China dropped by a greater 13 percent even, which points to some Trump tariff effect as well. In fact, the $34.03 billion worth of February goods imports from China was the lowest monthly number since pandemicky last April. And February’s $24.62 billion bilateral merchandise trade deficit with China was 6.22 percent narrower than the January figure, and the smallest such total since April, too.

America’s goods deficit from Pacific Rim countries in total fell slightly faster than the gap with China (6.84 percent). China’s economy and its exports, however, are supposed to be recovering at world-and region-beating rates, so if that’s the case, it appears that the Trump trade curbs are preventing that rebound from taking place at America’s expense.

U.S. manufacturing trade numbers were encouraging, too, though again, the impact of tariffs as opposed to that of the virus distortions or the February weather or the ports issues or the semiconductor shortage or some combination thereof  is difficult to determine. But industry’s trade shortfall did tumble by 10.53 percent in February, from January’s $99.79 billion to $89.29 billion. That figure also was manufacturing’s lowest since June, 2020’s $89.16 billion and the 10.52 percent decrease was the by far the biggest in percentage terms since November, 2019’s 12.70 percent.

February manufacturing exports declined by 2.64 percent sequentially, from $81.66 billion to $79.51 billion. But the much greater volume of manufacturing imports sank by 6.98 percent, from $182.46 billion to $168.79 billion.

The China and manufacturing numbers could certainly change – and boost these U.S. trade gaps and the overall trade deficit – as Americans begin to spend their latest round of stimulus checks, as the U.S. recovery continues, and as the West Coast ports and semiconductor issues clear up. 

But especially due to those Chinese exports, this worsening of the U.S. trade picture was reported late last year. And the official U.S. trade figures show that such a surge simply never took place. Moreover, if executed properly, President Biden’s Buy American plans for federal government procurement and support for strengthening critical domestic supply chains could boost American manufacturing and other goods output without increasing imports. His budget requests for major subsidies for key U.S.-based manufacturing operations could help brighten the trade picture, too. Mr. Biden has also decided for now to retain the Trump trade curbs. And P.S. – those clogged West Coast ports hamper American exports as well.    

In addition, trade problems could reappear at some point due to the President’s proposed green energy mandates and corporate tax increases that would inevitably hike the relative cost of producing in the United States. But right now, it looks like due to ongoing and possibly upcoming economic nationalist American policies, the burden of proof is on the U.S. trade pessimists. And that’s quite a switch.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New U.S. Manufacturing Data Bolster Case for Keeping Trump’s Tariffs

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CCP Virus, China, China tariffs, consumer electronics, coronavirus, COVID 19, Donald Trump, exports, GDP-by-industry, gross domestic product, imports, manufacturing, Port of Los Angeles, recession, recovery, tariffs, Trade, trade deficit, value added, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

As known by RealityChek regulars, throughout the CCP Virus period, I’ve been writing about how resilient the American domestic manufacturing industry has been, and how a good chunk of the credit should go to the Trump era tariffs. I’ve argued that they’ve rendered lots of imports – especially from China – much less price competitive, and created new opportunities for U.S.-based industry to sell to American customers.

With the release last Friday of the U.S. government’s latest “GDP (Gross Domestic Product) by Industry” data, this case looks ever more convincing.

The new figures bring the story up to the end of last year, and the key numbers entail the production and the trade deficit figures for the second quarter of 2020 (the first full quarter when the virus and related lockdowns and other mandated and voluntary economic activity curbs impacted economic data) and for the fourth quarter (the most recent numbers from this quarterly data set).

These new figures show that, during that period, according to an output measure called “value added” (a favorite of economists, because it seeks to eliminate the double-counting that inevitably results from including in manufacturing production levels both final products and all the parts, components, and materials that go into those products), manufacturing production increased by 14.32 percent. (This figure does not account for inflation’s effects, because the U.S. government doesn’t publish detailed inflation-adjusted data for the trade statistics we’ll also be examining.)

The comparable growth figure for the whole U.S. economy between the second and fourth quarter? Just 10.12 percent.

It’s true that the trade deficits for manufacturing and the whole economy rose strongly as well during this period. But manufacturing outperformed here as well, as its shortfall climbed by 24 percent, versus 24.46 percent for all U.S. goods and services industries combined.

That’s a tiny edge, of course, but any edge at all is pretty remarkable, especially given the massive pandemic-era popularity of the consumer electronics products sold so massively to Americans by China, and that most of these goods escaped the Trump levies. In this vein, it’s revealing that net imports of laptops, cell phones, and the like represented fully 22.07 percent of the second-to-fourth quarter manufacturing trade deficit’s worsening.

And even so, during this period, the manufacturing-dominated China goods trade shortfall increased by just 13.53 percent – a clear testament to the Trump tariffs.

It’s important to remember that many major U.S. services industries have taken outsized pandemic- and lockdowns etc-related hits because their business models depend on personal contact. But interestingly, between the first and second quarters, manufacturing output fell faster than total GDP – by 12.47 percent versus 9.47 percent on an annualized basis versus 9.47 percent. So industry had an unusually deeper hole to climb out of. And despite this challenge, whereas total U.S. current dollar output in the fourth quarter was still a bit (0.31 percent) lower than in the first quarter (the final full pre-CCP Virus-affected quarter), manufacturing value-added was fractionally higher.

There’s still a possible fly in the ointment – and a big one. Due to equipment and labor shortages, since late November there’s been there’s a big, growing backup in unloading ships laden with Asian imports at the Port of Los Angeles – a prime gateway for such commerce. And on a monthly basis, since November (and through January), U.S. goods imports from China are down 14.43 percent.

But underscoring the tariffs’ effects all the same: Goods imports from Vietnam, which is supposed to be a major winner from the U.S.-China trade conflict, dipped by just 3.93 percent during this period. And many Vietnamese products enter the United States through Los Angeles, too.

The manufacturing trade deficit remains way too high, and manufacturing’s value-added growth slowed dramatically last year – from an its all-time high of 13.4 percent between the second and third quarters to a mere 0.80 percent between the third and fourth.

But as the entire U.S. economy recovers from the pandemic due to vaccinations and the approach of herd immunity, as the lockdowns and consumer caution ebb, as more immense government stimulus kicks in, as aerospace giant (and traditional trade surplus star) Boeing recovers from its safety woes, as vaccine production booms, and as the Biden administration continues to keep the Trump tariffs in place, unless Washington makes some big policy mistakes, it seems tough at best to be a U.S. manufacturing pessimist these days.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Real U.S. 2020 Trade Deficit Remained a Record – & Virus-Distorted

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CCP Virus, coronavirus, COVID 19, exports, GDP, global financial crisis, goods trade, Great Recession, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, real GDP, real trade deficit, recession, services trade, Trade, trade deficit, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The final (for now) official report on U.S. economic growth in the fourth quarter of last year and therefore for the full year contained modestly good news both in terms of the entire economy’s performance and its trade flows, but doesn change the big picture of major pandemic-related setbacks and distortions, and the latter likely to continue for the foreseeable future.

Starting at 30,000 feet, the new data show that in inflation-adjusted terms (those most closely watched), America’s gross domestic product (GDP – or the total of goods and services it produces) shrank by 3.49 percent in 2020, a bit better than the 3.50 percent decline reported last month. Real growth received a boost from a fourth quarter during which real GDP expanded sequentially by 4.23 percent at an annual rate, not the (already upwardly revised) 4.03 percent previously estimated.

Given the record nosedive last spring produced by the CCP Virus and related mandated and voluntary curbs on economic activity, and even given the strong (in fact, sequential, record) rebound in the third quarter, such growth isn’t overly impressive. But presumably the rate will accelerate as vaccination spreads, herd immunity finally arrives, lockdowns are lifted (hopefully for good), and consumer regain confidence about in-person services like dining and traveling.

All the same, 2020’s still ranks as the worst U.S. economic downturn since 1946, when after-inflation GDP tumble by 11.60 percent as the nation transitioned from a war-time to a peacetime footing. Last year’s recession was also worse than the real GDP drop of 2009 (2.53 percent), during the Great Recession triggered by the global financial crisis.

As for the constant dollar total trade deficit, it’s now pegged at $926 billion, up slightly from last month’s reported $925.8 billion, but better than the $926.3 billion estimated in the first read on fourth quarter and 2020 GDP. The annual increase was only 0.92 percent, and as a share of the total economy (5.03 percent), it remained well below the all-time high of 5.95 percent (which came at the height of the bubble decade, in 2005), the deficit’s absolute and relative levels are still remarkable given the economy’s contraction – which normally results in a trade deficit decrease. At the same time, as will be discussed below, the 2020 recession was unusual in most respects.

The trade highlights of this morning’s GDP report confirmed once again that the service sector has suffered the greatest pandemic period hit both domestically and internationally. Indeed, during 2020, the longstanding after-inflation American goods trade deficit dipped by 0.71 percent (from $1.1409 trillion to $1.1328 trillion) while the equally longstanding services surplus sank by eleven percent (from $224.5 billion to $199.8 billion).

The new GDP report upgraded America’s total price-adjusted export performance in 2020, estimating their decline to be 12.95 percent, not the previously judged 12.97 percent. But the decrease is still the worst since 1958’s 13.49 percent plunge, and the $2.2169 trillion level remains the lowest since 2012’s $2.1930 trillion.

Real goods exports in 2020 slid by 9.46 percent in today’s GDP report – a little better than the 9.48 percent calculated last month. But as with total exports, these levels still represented multi-year lows in terms of the magnitude of the decline (the fastest since Great Recession-y 2009) and the absolute amount ($1.6138 trillion, the lowest since 2013). As last months real GDP post reminded, though, goods and services trade figures began to be reported separately by the Commerce Department only since 2002.

The deterioration in real services exports was, again, much more dramatic, and faster than estimated in last month’s GDP figures. They plummeted by 19.26 percent on-year, not the 19.16 percent previously reported, and a record by a long shot. And at $620.5 billion, their yearly total is the lowest since 2010.

Total constant dollar U.S. imports, however, seem to have fallen sligthly more slowly last year (9.27 percent) than previously judged (an already downgraded 9.28 percent). Yet this decrease also remained the fastest since 2009, and the $3.1429 trillion level the lowest since 2015.

Consistent with the above results, the inflation-adjusted goods imports fall-off in 2020 was much less than the overall decline. Interestingly, the new 6.05 percent annual decline reported this morning was notably lower than the 5.45 percent decrease reported last month. It, too, however, was a multi-year worst (since recession-y 2009) and the new $2.7466 trillion level is the lowest since 2016.

The annual after-inflation services imports drop in 2020 reported today was unchanged, at a record 22.54 percent, and the same $420.7 billion level was the weakest since 2009.

On a quarter-to-quarter basis, the real trade deficit registered modest improvement, too. Previously pegged at a quarterly record $1.1230 trillion on an annual basis, it’s now estimated at $1.1220 trillion (still an all-time high), and the sequential increase downgraded from 10.20 percent to 10.11 percent.

Two other findings of note: Although the increase in the annual constant dollar total trade deficit reached an all-time high last year, its effect on economic performance was relatively slight. The trade gap’s widening accounted for 0.14 percentage points of that 3.49 percent annual real GDP drop. Proportionately, that’s less damage than was inflicted in 2019, when the higher trade deficit cut 0.18 percentage points from the 2.16 percent overall growth rate.

On a quarterly basis, though, the trade bite was much deeper, as the price-adjusted total deficit’s increase subtracted 1.53 percentage points from the 4.23 percent sequential inflation-adjusted annualized GDP increase. But not even this blow was the biggest ever relatively speaking – or even close. (The all-time worst such performance came in the second quarter of 1952, when 0.85 percent after-inflation annualized growth would have been 2.23 percentage points higher if not for the sequential increase in the trade deficit.)

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Trump-y New U.S. Trade Report – in a Good Way

Tags

Biden, CCP Virus, China, coronavirus, COVID 19, Donald Trump, exports, goods trade, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, non-oil goods trade deficit, Phase One, services trade, Trade, trade deficit, trade war, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Although it covered a presidential transition month, there wasn’t much transitional about the official U.S. international trade figures for January that came out Friday. Trump-y policy fingerprints were all over them – and mostly in a good way – mainly in the form of continuing declines in the monthly deficits for China and the manufacturing sector, two main targets of the former President’s efforts to reduce the overall shortfall.

At the same time, also visible were the distorting affects of the CCP Virus, and the stop-and-start nature of so much economic activity in the United States and throughout the world, which seem certain to impact all economic data for several more months.

Overall, the combined goods and services trade deficit rose 1.86 percent sequentially in January, and the $68.21 billion total was the second highest on record – after November’s $69.04 billion. The goods deficit also hit its second largest total in history, with its $85.45 billion level representing a 1.58 percent increase over December’s total, and trailing the $86.89 billion all-time high also set last November. The services surplus, meanwhile, inched up on month in January by 0.47 percent, to $17.24 billion. This monthly improvement was the first since June for this virus-battered segment of the U.S. and world economies.

Total exports rose by a mere 0.53 percent, to $191.14 billion, and goods exports grew by 1.56 percent, to $135.66 billion. These were the best monthly performances in both categories since last February. Services exports, however, dipped for the first time since July, with the 0.47 percent monthly January decrease bringing the level to $56.28 billion.

A new record was set on the import side – January goods purchases from abroad reached $221.11 billion, surpassing October, 2018’s 218.91 billion, and exceeding December’s total by 1.57 percent. Total imports grew by 1.19 percent on month, to $260.16 billion, but services imports fell sequentially in January by 0.88 percent, to $39.05 billion – the first monthly decrease since May.

In an apparent setback for Trump’s tariffs and other elements of his trade policy, January also saw the second highest monthly deficit in U.S. non-oil goods trade. RealityChek regulars know these trade shortfalls as the “Made in Washington trade deficit”, since they strip out the results for petroleum and services – sectors that are rarely dealt with in trade deals or similar policies, and in which liberalization efforts remain minor.

But the $85.52 billion January level has been topped only by November’s $86.40 billion.

Nonetheless, the U.S. manufacturing deficit in January sank by 6.32 percent, from $106.52 billion to $99.79 billion. The decrease was the third straight, and the monthly gap was the smallest since last June’s. Manufacturing exports declined by 3.47 percent sequentially, to $81.66 billion, while imports dropped by a greater 5.05 percent, to $181.46 billion.

One big reason for this encouraging manufacturing performance was the January narrowing of the manufacturing-heavy U.S. goods deficit with China. January’s $26.50 billion total was 3.60 percent lower than December’s $27.23 billion, and the best such figure since May’s $26.96 billion.

U.S. goods exports to the People’s Republic plunged sequentially by 12.19 percent, to $12.86 billion, and this fall-off was especially discouraging given Beijing’s commitments under the year-old Phase One trade deal to boost imports. Moreover, the monthly decrease (to the lowest level since October) was the biggest percentage-wise since the January, 2020 crash dive of 18.96 percent, when much of China’s economy was shut down by the virus.

Yet China’s much greater goods exports to the United States fell by 6.60 percent, from $41.86 billion to $39.11 billion. This monthly total was the lowest since July’s $40.66 billion, and the sequential decrease also was the third straight. This slump, coming on top of the 3.59 percent decrease in U.S. goods imports from China in 2020, was no doubt due in part to the Trump tariffs on some $360 billion worth of Chinese goods that were as central to the former President’s China trade policies as the trade deal, and that President Biden has decided to keep so far.

Even more important, it can’t be a complete coincidence that U.S. manufacturing output has held up well during the pandemic period as these levies stayed in place. They must have played a significant role in preventing Chinese products from outcompeting their domestic counterparts for the American demand for manufactures that the virus left over.

As a result, the clearly related China and manufacturing performances could be teaching a valuable lesson to the Biden administration: Although virus-related distortions to U.S. trade flows will end sooner or later for reasons only partly related to official policy decisions, the fate of Trump’s China tariffs is entirely up to the President. That makes his eventual decision whether to continue or lift them the most important trade-related wildcard of all still facing the U.S. economy.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New U.S. Growth Figures Leave Pandemic Trade Distortions Fully Intact

Tags

CCP Virus, coronavirus, COVID 19, exports, GDP, global financial crisis, goods trade, Great Recession, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, real exports, real GDP, real growth, real imports, real trade deficit, recession, services trade, Trade, trade deficit, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Fittingly, because this morning’s release of the first (of two short-term) revisions of the official figures on fourth quarter U.S. gross domestic product (GDP) tell us only a little more than the first about the U.S. economy’s growth at the end of last years, they also revealed little change in what was reported about U.S. trade flows – and how they were affected in 2020 by the CCP Virus.

The fundamental story remains the same: The pandemic has distorted the nation’s international trade tremendously. What today’s report – which describes growth in inflation-adjusted terms (the most widely followed) – shows is that real exports suffered a bit more than previously judged, and their import counterparts were a bit higher. As a result, the overall price-adjusted trade deficit was slightly greater than first estimated.

In addition, the new figures – which will be revised again next month, and several times down the line – indicate that the trade flow deterioration worsened toward the end of the year.

To set the context, the sequential growth rate for the fourth quarter was upgraded in the new release from the previously reported 3.95 percent at an annual rate after-inflation to 4.03 percent. Normally, that would be an excellent performance, but coming after the roughly 30 percent annualized rubber-band-like economic snap back between the second and third quarters, it’s still a major disappointment.

Moreover, the revisions were too small to affect the annual contraction rate for all of 2020, which stayed at 3.50 percent in constant dollars. That’s still the worst yearly downturn since the 11.60 percent nosedive in 1946, when the nation was transitioning from a war-time to a peacetime footing. In fact, 2020’s slump was much worse than the real GDP decline of 2009 – which was part of what’s now known as the Great Recession. That year, America’s output of goods and services after inflation fell by just 2.53 percent.

(Incidentally, sharp-eyed readers will note that this 2020 real GDP figure doesn’t match up with the one I cited here. That’s because that post’s number represented fourth quarter to fourth quarter constant-dollar output change, which tends to produce different results than those generated by comparing the annual figures, which sum up the collective change for all of a year’s four quarters.)

Luckily, the main reason for optimism remains intact, too, despite the humdrum fourth quarter: The pandemic-driven recession was driven by a virus, and by the widespread shutdowns of economic activity literally ordered by government at all level. That appears much less worrisome than the economic circumstances of the bubble decade of the 2000s, when bloated lending and spending masked fundamental weaknesses in the economy. When the finance sector essentially decided that the resulting Ponzi scheme had grown way too risky even for its tastes, a collapse was triggered that nearly took the entire global economy down.

Once again, the magnitude of the distortion of the GDP figures’ trade component came through loud and clear in this morning’s release. Even though the economy shrank – which typically depresses the trade deficit – the shortfall hit a new record in last year. This morning’s reported $926.3 inflation-adjusted level was marginally larger than the $925.8 billion estimated last month, and represents a 0.95 percent increase over 2019.

It’s true that 2020’s price-adjusted trade deficit wasn’t the largest ever as a share of real GDP. At 5.03 percent, it was well behind the all-time worst of 5.95 percent, set in bubbly 2005. But this percentage was astronomical for a recession year. In fact, you’d have to go back to 2002 (which was only partly recessionary) to find a figure even as high as 4.95 percent.

Since the pandemic and restrictions have hit service industries much harder than goods industries, with the travel and tourism sectors experiencing veritable decimation, it’s no surprise that most of the trade deficit deterioration took place in those parts of the economy. Specifically, between 2019 and 2020, the inflation-adjusted goods trade deficit rose by just $830 million, while the services surplus shrank by $24.7 billion. (And now for an apology – last month I reported the reverse, because I accidentally reported the services change in millions, not billions, of dollars.)

The real trade deficit increased last year in part because total constant dollar exports fell, with the new revisions reporting the drop at 12.97 percent, rather than the 12.96 percent estimated last month. That decrease is the biggest in percentage terms since 1958’s 13.49 percent plunge, and the $2.2165 trillion level was the lowest since 2012’s $2.193 trillion.

The 2020 decrease in goods exports was revised this morning from 9.46 percent to 9.48 percent, and this slide – the steepest since 2009’s 11.86 percent – brought the year’s level to $1.6136 trillion, the lowest since 2013’s $1.57 trillion. (Goods and services trade figures began to be reported separately by the Commerce Department only since 2002).

The new revisions actually showed a marginally better performance for real services exports. Rather than sinking by 19.20 percent in 2020, the dropoff is now judged to be 19.16 percent. But the fall is still a record by a long shot, and the new $620.2 billion level still the lowest since 2010’s $609.2 billion.

Total after-inflation constant dollar U.S. imports were lower in 2020 than in 2019, too, but the contraction was smaller than that for total exports. Today’s revisions report the annual decrease as 9.28 percent versus the previously reported 9.29 percent. This drop was still the biggest in percentage terms since recessionary 2009’s 13.08 percent, and the $3.1426 trillion absolute level was still the weakest since 2015’s $3.0948 trillion.

The reduction in goods imports was as relatively modest as that in goods exports, as they came in 5.45 percent lower in 2020 than in 2019. But last month, the drop was reported at a bigger 6.05 percent – still the biggest since recessionary 2009’s 15.30 percent. And the new $2.7642 trillion level is still the lowest since 2016’s $2.6477 trillion.

The annual services imports decrease in 2020 was also smaller than initially reported – 22.54 percent versus 22.59 percent. Nonetheless, this yearly shrinkage, too, was still by far the greatest ever, and the $420.7 billion level still the lowest since 2009.

On a quarter-to-quarter basis, the previously reported quarterly record $1.1211 trillion total real trade deficit at annual rates for the last three months of 2020 is now estimated at $1.1230 trillion. And the increase over the third quarter level has gone up from ten to 10.2 percent.

Quarterly total real exports today were judged to be 5.06 percent higher than the third quarter level, not 5.10 percent higher, but the new $2.2761 trillion annualized figure was still 8.78 percent below the level of last year’s first quarter – the final pre-pandemic figure.

The fourth quarter’s sequential rise in real goods exports was also revised down this morning – from 7.65 percent to 6.95 percent. But at $1.7224 trillion annualized, they’re just 2.94 percent below the first quarter total.

Not surprisingly, the quarterly export lag in services was much worse. The fourth quarter’s price-adjusted real sequential improvement was only revised down from 1.07 percent to 1.04 percent. But the annualized figure of $587.4 billion was a whopping 19.55 percent below that final first quarter pre-pandemic level.

Total constant dollar imports for the fourth quarter are now judged to have risen by 6.71 percent over the third quarter, not 6.67 percent. At $3.3991 trillion at an annual rate, they’re now 3.53 percent higher than during that immediate pre-CCP Virus first quarter.

After-inflation goods imports are estimated to have risen a bit more slowly on a quarter-to-quarter basis – by 5.25 percent between the third and fourth quarters instead of the previously reported 5.27 percent. Even so, as of the end of last year, they were running fully 8.49 percent higher at an annual rate ($3.0230 trillion) than during the first quarter.

Real services imports, however, expanded faster than previously reported – by 5.52 percent over third quarter levels, not 5.16 percent. But even though they’re now up to $415 billion at annual rates, in real terms, they still 17.41 percent below their pre-pandemic levels.