(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The New U.S. Trade Figures are (Nearly) All About China

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China, exports, GDP, goods trade, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, merchandise trade, recovery, Trade, trade deficit, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Today was one of those days when the U.S. government treated us with both the jobs numbers (for October) and the trade numbers (for September). But just because I posted on the former first doesn’t mean that the latter were humdrum – far from it. And the big story in so many ways was China – along with an important black mark revealed when trade flows are adjusted for inflation.

Specifically, the combined American goods and services trade deficit hit $54.02 billion – just 1.33 percent higher than August’s upwardly revised $53.31 billion, but the second highest monthly total during the current economic recovery. (The highest was February’s $54.96 billion.)

And the prime culprit was the 4.34 percent sequential increase in the immense, chronic U.S. merchandise trade gap with China – to a record $40.24 billion level that represented the third straight monthly all-time high.

This growth means that as of September, this trade shortfall is running 9.91 percent ahead of last year’s annual total – $375.58 billion, which so far has been the record. Also at all-time highs as of September: American goods imports from the People’s Republic. They topped the $50 billion monthly mark for the first time, and were up by 4.32 percent sequentially – possibly because many American companies were rushing their purchases from China ahead of tariffs.

U.S. merchandise exports to China were of course much lower – $9.79 billion in September. The figure was the year’s second lowest (after August’s $9.29 billion) and might have reflected some Chinese front-running of their own government’s retaliatory levies against the United States – although September’s 5.32 percent monthly increase followed a 9.43 percent sequential drop in August.

Contrasting with these China numbers were the September goods trade results with other U.S. trade partners. Specifically, the shortfalls with the European Union, the Eurozone, Germany, Japan, South Korea, Mexico, and Canada all narrowed, and by substantial percentages. Moreover, the China-heavy American manufacturing trade deficit declined as well – by 6.13 percent (albeit from a $92.51 billion August total that was a monthly record).

Moving up to the 30,000-foot level, combined U.S. goods and services exports rose by 1.49 percent, to $212.57 billion, from an August figure of $209.46 billion that was revised upward fractionally. That September total was the third highest ever – after the May and June levels of $214.67 billion and $213.20 billion, respectively.

The much greater amount of overall imports was up 1.46 percent on month in September, with the $266.58 billion figure marking a second straight all-time high. (The previous month’s record of $262.75 billion was revised fractionally higher as well.) So some pre-tariff front-running of purchases from abroad looks like it was at work here, too.  

Some other all-time monthly highs achieved in September: services exports ($70.71 billion – a second straight record as well) and services imports ($47.50 billion).

That black mark? The Made in Washington trade deficit. This is the trade shortfall comprised of flow heavily influenced by U.S. Trade agreements and related policy decisions. As such, it leaves out oil and services – since trade in those sectors is in only a very early stage of liberalization. And adjusting it for inflation enables calculating how much trade has been either contributing to or subtracting from after-inflation growth – the measure of the gross domestic product (GDP) that’s most widely followed.

From the start of the current economic recovery, in mid-2009, through the second quarter of this year, the increase in the price-adjusted Made in Washington trade deficit subtracted 14.89 percent from the period’s cumulative real economic growth of $3.3775 trillion. That’s a trade drag of $502.92 billion.

As of the third quarter, the drag increased to 16.60 percent of cumulative recovery inflation-adjusted growth of $3.5374 trillion. That amounts to $587.23 billion worth of lost growth.

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(What’s Left of) Our Economy: So How Loud was That Trade Noise in the U.S. Growth Figures?

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exports, GDP, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, Made in Washington trade deficit, real GDP, real trade deficit, recovery, tariffs, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

With all the other news of the last few days, it’s been easy to overlook the release last Friday of the first read (of three soundings that will be released in the near term) the nation got on U.S. economic growth in the third quarter. That’s unfortunate because these data on the gross domestic product (GDP) continued to be distorted by sizable fluctuations generated by President Trump’s recent trade policy moves. As a result, the outlook for future growth looks especially cloudy, and that goes double for the odds that its recent acceleration from the crummy rates so far during the current economic recovery can continue. 

The impact of trade-generated short-term noise is clear from the change seen in the U.S. trade deficit between the second and third quarters. In inflation-adjusted terms (the GDP measure that’s most widely followed) during that period, the shortfall dropped by 6.80 percent, from $902.4 billion on an annualized basis to $841.0 billion. That was the biggest sequential decrease since the fourth quarter of 2013 (9.24 percent).

But in the third quarter, the real trade gap rebounded to $939.0 billion – its all-time highest (besting the previous record of $932.5 billion in the third quarter of 2006, during pre-financial crisis days). In addition, the quarterly increase of 11.65 percent was the biggest since the 13.18 percent during the second quarter of 2010 – during the early stages of the current economic recovery.

What’s been going on? As widely reported, both American exporters and importers have been rushing shipments of goods to each other’s markets in order to beat the tariffs at home and abroad that have been actually imposed or threatened. During the second quarter, the biggest rush was made by U.S. exporters – their shipments overseas jumped by 3.21 percent quarter-to-quarter on an annualized basis. That was the biggest surge since the 3.93 percent annualized rise in the fourth quarter of 2013. That’s largely why the trade deficit narrowed.

During the third quarter, at least according to these preliminary figures, goods exports fell back by 1.79 percent – their worst performance since the 2.44 percent decline registered in the first quarter of 2015. Hence, in part, the rebound in the trade deficit. (Again, all these numbers and those in the next paragraph are annualized.)

On the merchandise import front, U.S. purchases of foreign goods in the second quarter stayed pretty flat sequentially – which also contributed to the trade shortfall’s improvement. But in the third quarter, goods imports advanced by 2.48 percent – the biggest such rise since the fourth quarter of 2017 (3.37 percent).

At the same time, as just indicated, these fluctuations have been multi-year highs, not multi-decade highs. So even though the data were noisy, they weren’t epic-ally noisy, or even close.

More epic was the bite from after-inflation growth taken by the higher trade deficit in the third quarter. It chopped fully 1.78 percent points off the 3.46 percent annualized increase. That’s the highest such toll in absolute terms since the 1.91 percentage points taken from growth in the third quarter of 1985! But the picture looks much less dramatic if you measure this growth loss as a share of the actual growth.

During the third quarter, the trade bite amounted to 51.44 percent of that growth. But that’s only the biggest such figure since the fourth quarter of 2016, when the sequential increase in the trade deficit subtracted 75.43 percent (1.32 percentage points) of that period’s 1.75 percent annualized constant dollar growth.

All the same, for the time being, the trade drag on cumulative after-inflation growth over the course of the entire economic recovery is up again. As of the second quarter, it had cost the economy 10.77 percent of its cumulative growth – or $363.7 billion. The third quarter numbers reveal the trade hit at 13.05 percent of cumulative growth – or $461.7 billion.

Moreover, the growth lost during the recovery because of the increase of the Made in Washington trade deficit remains much greater. This gauge measures inflation-adjusted trade flows minus sectors (services and oil) still generally unaffected by trade agreements and related policy decisions.

The latest data are from the second quarter, but they show a Made in Washington trade drag of 18.01 percent on cumulative real recovery growth – which translates into $608.12 billion worth of foregone expansion The next set of monthly U.S. trade data, slated to come out on Friday, will provide the first look on the third quarter statistics.

Some more perspective can be gleaned from the price-adjusted trade deficit’s share of the price-adjusted gross domestic product on a stand-still basis. It’s definitely on the upswing – reaching 5.03 percent as of the third quarter. That’s the highest level since just before the financial crisis-induced ensuing Great Recession struck – during the third quarter of 2007, when the share hit 5.23 percent.

The only consolations identifiable are that overall economic growth today is faster than it was eleven years ago, and that it’s still possible that the real trade deficit’s share of GDP, and the size of the trade drag, will settle down once the trade noise goes away. Not that hope will be the test of Mr. Trump’s trade policy success.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: So Far, Trump’s New NAFTA Only Deserves an “Incomplete”

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automotive, China, currency manipulation, dispute resolution, domestic content, exports, globalization, imports, light trucks, NAFTA, non-market economy status, North American Free Trade Agreement, passenger cars, rules of origin, SUVs, Trade, Trump, U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, USMCA, value-added taxes, VATs, {What's Left of) Our Economy

“What was all the fuss about?” is a question that supporters and especially critics of conventional, pre-Trump trade policies are entitled to ask after reading the text of the new “U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement” – the brand new revamp of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) just agreed to by the three signatories.

Although President Trump has repeatedly called NAFTA “the worst trade deal ever,” the new pact seems to retain the previous deal’s fatal flaw. Interestingly, though, the very modesty of “USMCA’s” departures from NAFTA means that, because U.S. trade is so worldwide in scope, the best chance for Mr. Trump to keep his campaign promises to turn U.S. trade policy into an engine of domestic growth and employment rather than of offshoring depends on two additional steps. The first is following through with his threat to impose stiff tariffs on automotive imports from the rest of the world. The second is expanding his already substantial tariffs on imports from China.

As I’ve explained repeatedly, that fatal NAFTA flaw entailed the treaty’s failure to provide significant incentives to producers outside the free trade zone to supply U.S., Canadian, and Mexican customers with goods – mainly in the automotive sector – produced in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, not in Europe, Asia, or elsewhere.

USMCA does create stricter “rules of origin” governing trade in vehicles and parts – by phasing in increases in the share of inputs provided from inside North America that vehicles and parts will need to contain in order to qualify for tariff-free treatment when traded among the three countries. The new treaty also mandates that a certain percentage of these products be made in factories paying workers wages much higher than prevail in Mexico currently. But the penalties non-North American producers face for ignoring these requirements, at least for duty-free treatment in the U.S. market, by far North America’s largest, are exactly the same sorely inadequate tariffs imposed by NAFTA – 2.5 percent for passenger cars and nearly all parts, and 25 percent for sport-utility vehicles (SUVs) and light trucks.

In other words, non-North American companies and entities (such as are found in China) will find it just about as easy to absorb or evade the costs of exporting to rather than investing in North America – through increased subsidies, currency devaluation, or accepting slightly lower profits – as they have for NAFTA’s entire 24-year history.

Automotive-wise, as previously reported in the news media, USMCA does differ from NAFTA in one seemingly important respect:  The Trump administration won the right to increase greatly tariffs on passenger cars, SUVs, and light trucks from Mexico if these shipments to the United States exceed certain levels (1.6 million vehicles) and on auto parts if these shipments exceed $108 billion per year. Interestingly, no such limits are imposed on automotive imports from Canada.

The catch is that these thresholds significantly exceed current American import levels, so they’ll provide no noteworthy relief for U.S. autoworkers and domestic production facilities for the time being.

The good news for these beleaguered American workers and companies is that major incentives to move non-North American production to the continent can still emerge.  But their fate will turn on whether President Trump imposes stiff tariffs on automotive products from outside North America under Section 232 of U.S. trade law, and whether he keeps curbing American trade with China.

Canada and Mexico have won major exemptions in the USMCA from these threatened levies (see here and here for the relevant side letters), but such new barriers to imports from Germany, Japan, South Korea, China, and others should create plenty of new work and sales opportunities for facilities in all three USMCA countries.

Section 232 auto tariffs alone wouldn’t achieve my own favored goal of turning all of North America and its economy into a genuine trade bloc, which would require non-continental industries across the board to supply North America from North America. In one fell swoop, this approach would solve nearly all of America’s longstanding trade problems with all of the aforementioned non-North American countries along with a host of others. But given the prominence of automotive products in the North American trade and broader economic landscape, it would be an important first step. And more China-specific levies would help as well, given the huge and rapidly growing shares of U.S. manufacturing markets grabbed by the People’s Republic in the last 25 years.

To be sure, other features of USMCA look worrisome to me. Principally, the deal does nothing to eliminate the problems caused by the Canadian and Mexican use of value-added taxes (VATs) and America’s lack thereof. These levies serve as hidden barriers to the Canadian and Mexican markets, and hidden subsidies for exports from Canada and Mexico to the United States.

The Trump administration also has granted Canada’s demand to preserve the old NAFTA’s dispute-resolution process, which greatly helps Canada and also Mexico to frustrate U.S. efforts to curb dumped and illegally subsidized imports from those countries.

On the plus side, the agreement contains enforceable prohibitions against currency manipulation – a first for an American trade deal.  And the administration won for the United States the right to withdraw from the trilateral USMCA and substitute a bilateral deal if one of the parties signs a separate trade agreement with a “non-market economy.”  Since that clearly means, “China,” it’s one more barrier to non-North American economies enjoying some of the benefits of the free trade agreement without incurring any of the obligations.   

But the origin rules have always been central to the promise of integrating the three North American economies for truly mutual benefit. And since the auto tariff decision has now become the development that can make or break the effectiveness of these rules, the only grade merited so far by President Trump’s NAFTA rewrite is “incomplete.”

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Where China Trade Retaliation Could Really Hurt

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China, import penetration, imports, intermediate goods, manufacturing, The Wall Street Journal, Trade, U.S. Department of Commerce, {What's Left of) Our Economy

According to a Wall Street Journal news report this weekend, China is considering an escalation in its trade conflict with the United States that could cause real problems for the American economy: restricting its “sales of materials, equipment and other parts key to U.S. manufacturers’ supply chain.”

There’s no significant statistical evidence that the U.S. tariffs imposed on Chinese-made steel under the Obama administration have harmed domestic American manufacturing, and as I’ve shown in several posts (e.g., here, here, and here) as of now, there’s no such evidence either that the Trump administration’s more sweeping, worldwide tariffs on aluminum as well as steel have inflicted any harm on those American industries that are significant users of these metals.

But Chinese limits on exports of the parts and components that go into a wide variety of goods manufactured in the United States could produce a very different story. The U.S. government hasn’t officially tracked this development. Indeed, the share of various American manufacturing markets captured by imports from anywhere, or the global total, hasn’t been monitored since 1995, when the Commerce Department’s annual U.S. Industrial Outlook report was discontinued.

So for more than twenty years, there’s been none of the kind of government-generated information that President Trump and his aides can consult in order to assess the possible damage to domestic industry. This information vacuum – which of course predates the current administration – speaks volumes about how cavalierly Washington has taken the responsibility of safeguarding crucial American economic interests against predatory foreign competition

Yet unofficial data is available, in the form of China import penetration rates for dozens of advanced manufacturing sectors that I calculated for several years through 2011. (Here’s the latest.) I haven’t published any follow-ups since 2013’s edition (which presented the 2011 data – the latest then available) because each year, more and more of the raw output or trade figures I needed to perform the calculations seemed unreliable. Specifically, they would produce results that were mathematically impossible (e.g., imports accounting for more than 100 percent of the entire U.S. market for various sectors, or results that exhibited wildly excessive swings year-to-year).

The 2011 results, however, are worrisome because they revealed that products from China had grabbed noteworthy shares of American markets for large numbers of high value industrial parts and components, as well as industrial machinery categories (including much of the equipment used by U.S. industry to produce a wide range of intermediate and final goods). Further, in many instances, Chinese market shares had increased at jaw-dropping rates.

Even more important, in the seven intervening years, most of these Chinese import penetration rates have surely risen to greater heights still.

China’s capture of these markets and the leverage it undoubtedly creates reflects one of the most crucial failures of America’s trade policies in recent decades. The very magnitude of China’s success might prevent Beijing from pulling the trigger on the proposal reported by The Journal – i.e., that the domestic U.S. industry has simply become too big a market for China to exit. Satisfactory substitutes from other countries, or from domestic sources, might also be available. But it’s also possible that in many key manufacturing sectors, Beijing has the U.S. economy over a barrel.

What is certain is that knowledge is power, and that if the United States doesn’t study more carefully its vulnerabilities to foreign retaliation to more assertive trade policies such as the Trump administration seems determined to pursue, its chances of prevailing in the ensuring showdowns won’t look promising. And voters’ ability to judge campaign promises to this effect will be almost nil.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: China, Manufacturing, the EU, & Canada (sort of) Led the New Trade Deficit Surge

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Canada, China, EU, European Union, exports, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, Mexico, NAFTA, North American Free Frade Agreement, oil, real trade deficii, recovery, services, tariffs, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

With President Trump still threatening to slap $200 billion worth of tariffs on Chinese imports this week, this morning’s trade figures from the Census Bureau show that the U.S. goods deficit with China hit a new monthly record of $36.83 billion. The U.S. manufacturing trade shortfall reached an all-time high as well – $92.29 billion. And as talks to revamp NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) continue, America’s goods gap with Canada jumped by nearly 58 percent on month, but the merchandise shortfall with Mexico sank by more than 25 percent.

The goods gap with the European Union, meanwhile, reached record monthly heights as well ($17.59 billion). The sequential increase of 50.03 percent was the greatest since October, 2013 (58.87 percent) and was driven by the biggest monthly plunge in U.S. merchandise exports (15.72 percent) to the region since July, 2006 (16.62 percent).

America’s combined goods and services trade deficit rose at its fastest pace (9.50 percent) since March, 2015 (35.63 percent), to $50.08 billion from a downwardly revised $45.74 billion. Total monthly imports of $261.16 billion were a new record as well, and total monthly exports fell for the first time since January – to $211.08 billion. Other all-time monthly highs were recorded for services exports ($70.29 billion), services imports ($47.22 billion), goods imports ($213.94 billion), and current dollar oil exports ($15.77 billion). Pre-inflation oil imports of $20.32 billion were the highest since December, 2014 ($23.58 billion). Though not a new monthly record in July, the goods trade deficit did increase that month at its fastest pace (6.11 percent) since November, 2016 (6.76 percent).

Although these July trade figures come too early in the third quarter to calculate trade’s drag on the current economic recovery through that period, if the monthly deficits remain in this neighborhood, trade’s subtraction from cumulative growth since the expansion began would rebound after falling during the second quarter. As of the revised second quarter figures, the increase in the real total trade deficit since mid-2009 had reduced inflation-adjusted growth during this period by 11.79 percent, or $398.50 billion. That was down from the $457.20 billion drag (14.33 percent) as of the final first quarter results.

The trade drag numbers are much greater for the Made in Washington trade deficit – that portion of U.S. trade flows most heavily influenced by trade agreements and similar trade policy decisions. As a result, it omits trade in services (where liberalization efforts remain at an early stage) and in energy (which is rarely discussed in trade diplomacy as such). The final first quarter figures pegged this growth drag at 17.37 percent, or $523.88 billion worth of lost constant dollar growth. As of the revised second quarter numbers, this growth bite had shrunk to 14.88 percent, or $502.90 billion worth of lost real growth.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New GDP Figures Confirm Trade as a U.S. Growth Booster – for Now

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exports, GDP, goods trade, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, real GDP, real trade deficit, recovery, tariffs, trade deficit, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The revised second quarter U.S. government figures for change in the gross domestic product (GDP) came out this morning, and their trade highlights broadly confirm the picture painted in last month’s advance results: A significant sequential reduction in the inflation-adjusted U.S. trade deficit keyed by a jump in goods exports aimed at avoiding impending or threatened tariffs made an impressive contribution to a strong quarterly real growth rate.

As a result, the new data also left in place one of the biggest questions hanging over the second quarter’s performance:  Will this trade boost to growth peter out?

The new results show that this export front-loading was fractionally smaller than first reported, with merchandise exports rising sequentially in the second quarter by 12.50 percent on an annualized basis, not the 12.64 percent initially estimated. Yet this increase was still the biggest since the 15.71 percent jump in the fourth quarter of 2013. The second quarter’s goods exports also still amounted to a new record: $1.8078 trillion annualized.

In addition, the quarterly drop in the combined goods and services trade deficit was steeper than originally reported. The gap, which stood at $902.4 billion annualized in the first quarter (the biggest such total since the $932.5 billion recorded in the third quarter of 2006), decreased to $843.5 billion in this year’s second quarter, not the $849.9 billion reported last month.

This sequential slide, moreover (26.01 percent annualized), was still the biggest since the 36.96 percent plunge in the fourth quarter of 2013.

Trade’s contribution to after-inflation second quarter growth remained solid in the revised figures, at 1.03 percentage points of 4.16 percent annualized growth. That was only marginally lower than the 1.04 percentage point contribution to the 4.00 annualized rate originally estimated.

Even better, the new second quarter results reduced the drag on economic growth that’s been exerted by the expansion of the trade deficit since the current economic recovery began in mid-2009.

As of the final GDP results for the first quarter of 2018, the trade shortfall’s increase had reduced cumulative price-adjusted growth during the expansion by $457.20 billion, or 14.33 percent. The first read on second quarter GDP reduced these figures to $404.70 billion, or twelve percent. This morning’s revision shrunk them further – to $398.50 billion, or 11.79 percent.

The same has held for the growth drag of the Made in Washington trade deficit – comprised of trade flows heavily affected by trade policy and trade agreements, and which therefore leaves out trade in oil and services.

The final first quarter GDP figures pegged this trade drag at 17.37 percent of cumulative real growth during the expansion – a $523.88 billion loss. According to this morning’s revised second quarter estimate, the Made in Washington deficit’s bite from real growth declined to 14.88 percent, or $502.90 billion.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The New York Fed Whiffs on Tariffs and Trade Policy

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China, currency manipulation, imports, intermediate goods, New York Fed, non-tariff barriers, subsidies, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, Trump, Trump tariffs, value-added tax, VAT, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Do you want to know how slipshod a new post from the New York branch of the Federal Reserve on tariffs and trade deficits is? I’m not a Ph.D. economist, and it took me about thirty seconds to spot no less than four fatal flaws.

The post, written by a senior Fed economist and three academic colleagues (including one from a Chinese university), argues that President Trump’s tariff-heavy trade policies are likeliest to backfire on the administration and the entire U.S. economy by widening, not narrowing, the country’s trade deficit. Their main evidence? The experience of China after it entered the World Trade Organization (WTO) at the end of 2001.

According to the authors:

“While more costly imports are likely to reduce the quantity and value of imports into the United States, the story does not stop there, because we cannot presume that the value of exports will remain unchanged. In this post, we argue that U.S. exports will also fall, not only because of other countries’ retaliatory tariffs on U.S. exports, but also because the costs for U.S. firms producing goods for export will rise and make U.S. exports less competitive on the world market. The end result is likely to be lower imports and lower exports, with little or no improvement in the trade deficit.”

The Chinese example, they claim, supports this hypothesis because China significantly reduced its tariffs following WTO entry (i.e., pursued a policy exactly the opposite of that sought by Mr. Trump), and both its exports as well as its imports soared. Moreover, the authors found that

“Focusing on China’s exports to the United States…shows that by lowering its own tariffs on imported inputs, China reduced its production costs and increased productivity, enabling Chinese firms to enter the U.S. export market and compete with other firms. With a fall in production costs, Chinese firms charged lower prices on goods exported to the United States and increased their U.S. market shares.”

But the weaknesses in this analysis are positively jaw-dropping. First, the data supporting that latter key finding is no less than a dozen years out of date.

Second, the post completely fails to take into account the possible effects over time of a U.S. failure to provide trade protection for sectors, like steel, that represent key inputs for manufacturing. Although obviously the cheaper they are, the more competitive the industries that utilize them will be, intermediate goods sectors (including not only materials like metals but machinery and equipment of all kinds) could represent as much as nearly half of America’s entire manufacturing complex. Should the United States just sit back and watch those sectors trashed by foreign competition?

Third, and even more important, should the United States accept this result if much of the foreign competition faced by its manufacturers is predatory? In this vein, the Fed post contains not a single word about China’s currency manipulation – which kept the value of the yuan significantly and artificially suppressed throughout the early post-WTO admission years (and arguably still does) for reasons completely unrelated to trade liberalization, and which gave Chinese products a major and wholly artificial advantage in China’s own market, the U.S. market, and markets around the world.

Fourth, the authors similarly ignore the impact of China’s value-added tax (VAT) system, which not only surrounds the entire Chinese economy with high, tariff-like walls that nonetheless aren’t technically considered tariffs, but which provides comparably impressive subsidies for China’s exports.  Not to mention the other massive supports Beijing offers to manufacturing, or its still (and perhaps increasingly) formidable array of non-tariff trade barriers.

Indeed, all these non-market practices no doubt largely explain why China has both supercharged its exports since it entered the WTO and impressively raised the levels of Chinese inputs they contain. 

In baseball, three strikes means “you’re out.” At the New York Fed, by contrast, four strikes apparently earns a “well done.”

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Real Trade Messages of the New GDP Report

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exports, GDP, Great Recession, gross domestic product, imports, inflation-adjusted growth, Made in Washington trade deficit, real exports, real imports, real trade deficit, recovery, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Friday’s government report on U.S. economic growth in the second quarter of this year was a treasure trove of newsworthy information. It not only provided the first peak at how President Trump’s imposed and threatened tariffs have affected the nation’s economic performance. It also incorporated literally decades’ worth of revisions that contained some important surprises about the economy’s strengths and weaknesses – in particular over the last five years. These new findings entail considerably more than trade, but let’s focus on that subject for today, since it’s been making so many headlines.

As widely expected, these new figures on the gross domestic product (GDP) and how it changed in inflation-adjusted terms showed that the threatened tariffs and retaliatory levies boosted American exports significantly. The reason? Many foreign customers for U.S. goods decided to “front-load” their purchases to avoid the paying the new charges for as long as possible.

On a sequential basis, this first of this year’s three estimates for the second quarter judged that U.S. merchandise exports jumped by 8.96 percent on an annualized basis. That’s the biggest such increase since the 11.72 percent surge in the fourth quarter of 2013. At the same time, the contribution to total quarterly growth made by goods exports was nothing special. In fact, at 1.12 percentage points out of the quarter’s 4.10 percent annualized rate of inflation-adjusted expansion, they fueled less real growth relatively speaking than they did in the fourth quarter of last year, when they were responsible for 0.79 percentage points of that period’s 2.30 percent annualized constant dollar growth.

Interestingly, the tariffs didn’t result in U.S. customers of overseas producers displaying the same interest in maximizing their imports to the greatest possible extent. Indeed, these purchases inched up sequentially by only 0.12 percent at an annual rate after inflation. Yet at $3.4241 trillion after inflation and annualized, they set a new record, nosing out the previous quarter’s $3.4201 trillion.

Thanks to exports’ performance, which brought their quarterly total to a new record ($2.5742 trillion annualized in real terms) as well, the inflation-adjusted trade deficit plummeted by 23.27 percent annualized to $849.9 billion. (The absolute numbers are different from those reported in previous RealityChek posts because the new GDP report is presenting the inflation-adjusted figures using 2012 dollars, not 2009 dollars.) That quarterly trade shortfall was the nation’s smallest since the $845.9 billion annualized recorded in the third quarter of last year. And the sequential decrease was the biggest since the 36.96 percent nosedive in the fourth quarter of 2013.

In addition, according to the revisions, America’s trade performance between the fourth quarter of 2012 and the second quarter of this year was considerably worse than previously estimated. Combined goods and services exports rose a bit faster (at a 2.6 percent rather than a 2.5 percent average annual pace in real terms). But total import growth was much stronger during this period – a 4.2 percent average annual increase in constant dollars rather than 3.7 percent growth.

Trade deficits have therefore been higher than previously judged. Again, the changeover from reporting the figures in 2009 dollars to using 2012 dollars makes comparing the old and new levels pointless. But the difference can become clear by examining these deficits as a share of the total economy. Here are the previously reported percentages:

2013: 2.59 percent

2014: 2.67 percent

2015: 3.31 percent

2016: 3.51 percent

2017: 3.64 percent

And here are the revised data:

2013: 3.23 percent

2014: 3.42 percent

2015: 4.17 percent

2016: 4.45 percent

2017: 4.76 percent

Last year’s level was the highest for any year since 2007’s 5.27 percent – just before the Great Recession struck. It’s still a far cry from the historic quarterly high of 6.10 percent, set in the fourth quarter of 2005. But the trend shows that the real trade deficit has been climbing steadily toward these heights.

In fact, during the first quarter of this year, the overall real trade deficit hit 4.92 percent of GDP, before falling back to 4.59 percent in the second.

The revised GDP figures also shed new light on trade’s drag on economic growth during this sluggish recovery. Before this revision, the increase in the constant dollar trade deficit since the expansion began, in the middle of 2009, had sliced $302.1 billion off of the economy’s cumulative inflation-adjusted growth through the second read on first quarter GDP. That amounted to a trade drag of 9.99 percent.

With the revision in place, the trade drag as of the first quarter’s final read was $457.2 billion – or 14.33 percent. The decline in the price-adjusted trade gap as of Friday’s first read on second quarter GDP pushed the drag down to twelve percent. But that figure still represented $404.7 billion in lost real growth.

The growth drag created by the increase in the Made in Washington trade deficit has been much bigger. Before the new GDP revision, the growth of this trade shortfall (which is comprised of constant-dollar trade flows heavily affected by trade policy and trade agreement, and therefore leaves out trade in oil and services) had cut cumulative recovery era growth by 17.37 percent in real terms, or $523.88 billion, as of the final first quarter figures.

It won’t be possible to calculate revised figures for the first quarter and new figures for the second quarter until this Friday, when we’ll get the next monthly trade report (for June).

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Chamber’s “Trade Works” Campaign is Clearly Hoping that Trade Fakery Works

Tags

exports, imports, recovery, states, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, trade surpluses, Trump, U.S. Chamber of Commerce, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The U.S. Chamber of Commerce is at it again: It’s launched a public relations campaign to strengthen American support for conventional trade liberalization policies (or at least to weaken support for President Trump’s increasing resort to tariffs to overhaul these policies). Its campaign focuses on how the old trade status quo was benefiting the U.S. economy. It’s using “state-by-state analysis to argue that Trump is risking a global trade war.” And as usual, it’s pretending that national and state trade flows (and their employment effects) consist of and stem only from exports.

Also as usual – there’s an excellent reason for the Chamber to resort once again to such intellectual dishonesty. Since the nation as a whole is running a huge and rising trade deficit that has cut into the subpar economic growth generated by the current expansion, it’s practically inevitable that the great majority of the fifty states have seen worsening trade balances significantly slow their recoveries as well.

And thanks to the Commerce Department, which tracks individual states’ merchandise exports and imports, it’s easy to see just how greatly the trade losers outnumber the trade winners. (State-level data on much smaller flows of services exports and imports are not available.) 

Specifically, from the year the current recovery began (2009) through last year, 26 states have seen their merchandise trade deficits increase, two have seen such trade surpluses fall, and in five, goods surpluses have turned into deficits. So in all, trade has dragged on growth during the recovery for 33 of the 50 states.

Of the 17 states that have improved their trade performances during this period, five have seen their deficits shrink, six have generated higher surpluses, and six have turned deficits into surpluses.

These data thoroughly debunk the claim made by the Chamber’s campaign that “Trade Works. Tariffs Don’t.” So it’s clear that what this pillar of the Offshoring Lobby is actually counting on is that trade fakery works.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A U.S. Trade Figures Update with a Special Focus on China & Trump “Foe” EU

Tags

Canada, China, EU, European Union, exports, goods trade, high tech goods trade, imports, manufacturing, merchandise trade, services trade, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, trade surpluses, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The May U.S. trade figures are no longer exactly new, having been released July 6. But with a big round of U.S. tariffs just imposed on China, and many more possibly on the way (along with automotive trade curbs that would affect most major U.S. economic competitors), they’re still incredibly newsy. So here’s a quick rundown of some highlights closely related to recent headlines, starting with the China figures.

>The enormous American goods trade deficit with China shot up by 18.68 percent sequentially, from $27.96 billion to $33.19 billion. The May shortfall was the biggest since January ($35.95 billion) and the increase was the greatest since May, 2016 (19.49 percent).

>The widening of the trade gap was largely driven by a 14.56 percent monthly jump in U.S. merchandise imports from China, to $43.80 billion.

>That level was also the highest since January ($45.79 billion) and the increase was the biggest since March, 2015 (30.33 percent).

>U.S. goods exports to China rose on month by only 1.69 percent, to $10.61 billion.

>Year-to-date, the merchandise deficit is running 9.92 percent higher than last year’s rate – which resulted in a record $375.58 billion bilateral shortfall.

>Also, year-to-date, U.S. goods exports to China have increased by 7.79 percent, while the far larger amount of imports is up by 9.36 percent.

>The trade figures for another competitor in President Trump’s cross-hairs, the European Union (EU) tell a different story. In May, the goods trade deficit with this grouping – labeled a trade “foe” by Mr. Trump – declined by 8.57 percent, from $14.64 billion to $13.39 billion.

>U.S. merchandise exports to the EU advanced by 4.34 percent sequentially in May, to $27.97 billion, and American sales to the group have been improving steadily since November. Indeed, on a year-to-date basis, they’ve improved by a healthy 14.02 percent.

>The merchandise deficit, however, has risen by 14.77 percent year-to-date as of May, with the larger amount of imports up nearly as fast: 14.27 percent.

>The U.S. goods deficit with Canada, another country that has drawn Mr. Trump’s ire, nearly doubled on month in May, from $806 million to $1.50 billion. But because this shortfall has fallen to such low levels in recent years, largely because of reduced American energy imports, these figures now tend to be volatile.

>U.S. merchandise exports to Canada – still America’s largest single country trade partner – increased 4.42 percent on month in May, to $26.81 billion, while goods imports rose by 8.53 percent, to $28.31 billion

>But although that import figure was the highest such monthly total since December, 2014’s $28.83 billion, the year-to-date American bilateral merchandise deficit has plummeted by 40.78 percent, from $9.78 billion to $6.08 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to Canada year-to-date are up by 4.98 percent, as of May, and goods imports have risen by 6.02 percent.

>U.S. global trade flows set a series of multi-month bests and all-time records in May.

>The combined May goods and services deficit fell by 6.57 percent sequentially to $43.05 billion – the lowest such total since October, 2016’s $42.64 billion.

>The goods deficit declined by 3.77 percent on month to $65.79 billion – the lowest since last August’s $65.49 billion.

>On the services side, the May surplus of $22.74 billion bested the April result by 2.04 percent, and fell just short of the record $22.77 billion recorded in February, 2015.

>Total exports, which rose sequentially by 1.94 percent, to $215.33 billion, hit their fourth straight monthly record.

>U.S. goods exports, which increased on month by 2.62 percent, to $144.89 billion, set their third straight such record.

>U.S. services exports, which advanced by 0.56 percent, to $70.44 billion, set their 13^th straight monthly record.

>U.S. non-oil goods exports (pre-inflation) in May climbed by 2.75 percent on month, to $129.98 billion, and set their third straight monthly record.

>U.S. current dollar oil exports inched up by 0.77 percent sequentially in May, to $14.18 billion – the second best performance on record after December, 2013’s $14.27 billion.

>The immense American manufacturing trade deficit in May continued its march toward the $1 trillion-dollar annual mark, and a new yearly record.

>The May manufacturing trade deficit totaled $85.05 billion – its fourth all-time highest, and an increase of 8.95 percent sequentially.

>Manufactures exports improved on month by 4.89 percent, from $96.72 billion to $101.45 billion. But the much greater amount of manufactures imports increased even more – by 6.71 percent, from $174.79 billion to $186.50 billion.

>Year-to-date, the manufacturing trade shortfall reached $397.48 billion in May – 11.89 percent higher than the comparable level in 2017, when the gap finished the year at $929.14 billion.

>Year-to-date manufacturing exports have increased by 7.38 percent, but imports are 9.27 percent higher.

>America’s trade deficit in advanced technology products also keeps heading to a new annual record.

>On month, the chronic shortfall in this category rose by 8.44 percent, to $10.32 billion.

>That increase brought the year-to-date deficit to $45.37 billion –32.62 percent higher than the comparable total last year, when this full-year trade gap reached $110.93 billion.