(What’s Left of) Our Economy: China, Manufacturing, the EU, & Canada (sort of) Led the New Trade Deficit Surge

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Canada, China, EU, European Union, exports, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, Mexico, NAFTA, North American Free Frade Agreement, oil, real trade deficii, recovery, services, tariffs, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

With President Trump still threatening to slap $200 billion worth of tariffs on Chinese imports this week, this morning’s trade figures from the Census Bureau show that the U.S. goods deficit with China hit a new monthly record of $36.83 billion. The U.S. manufacturing trade shortfall reached an all-time high as well – $92.29 billion. And as talks to revamp NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Agreement) continue, America’s goods gap with Canada jumped by nearly 58 percent on month, but the merchandise shortfall with Mexico sank by more than 25 percent.

The goods gap with the European Union, meanwhile, reached record monthly heights as well ($17.59 billion). The sequential increase of 50.03 percent was the greatest since October, 2013 (58.87 percent) and was driven by the biggest monthly plunge in U.S. merchandise exports (15.72 percent) to the region since July, 2006 (16.62 percent).

America’s combined goods and services trade deficit rose at its fastest pace (9.50 percent) since March, 2015 (35.63 percent), to $50.08 billion from a downwardly revised $45.74 billion. Total monthly imports of $261.16 billion were a new record as well, and total monthly exports fell for the first time since January – to $211.08 billion. Other all-time monthly highs were recorded for services exports ($70.29 billion), services imports ($47.22 billion), goods imports ($213.94 billion), and current dollar oil exports ($15.77 billion). Pre-inflation oil imports of $20.32 billion were the highest since December, 2014 ($23.58 billion). Though not a new monthly record in July, the goods trade deficit did increase that month at its fastest pace (6.11 percent) since November, 2016 (6.76 percent).

Although these July trade figures come too early in the third quarter to calculate trade’s drag on the current economic recovery through that period, if the monthly deficits remain in this neighborhood, trade’s subtraction from cumulative growth since the expansion began would rebound after falling during the second quarter. As of the revised second quarter figures, the increase in the real total trade deficit since mid-2009 had reduced inflation-adjusted growth during this period by 11.79 percent, or $398.50 billion. That was down from the $457.20 billion drag (14.33 percent) as of the final first quarter results.

The trade drag numbers are much greater for the Made in Washington trade deficit – that portion of U.S. trade flows most heavily influenced by trade agreements and similar trade policy decisions. As a result, it omits trade in services (where liberalization efforts remain at an early stage) and in energy (which is rarely discussed in trade diplomacy as such). The final first quarter figures pegged this growth drag at 17.37 percent, or $523.88 billion worth of lost constant dollar growth. As of the revised second quarter numbers, this growth bite had shrunk to 14.88 percent, or $502.90 billion worth of lost real growth.

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Our So-Called Foreign Policy: Syria, Round II

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air strikes, America First, chemical weapons, globalism, jihadism, John R. Bolton, Middle East, oil, Our So-Called Foreign Policy, Syria, terrorism, Trump

About a year ago, when President Trump first ordered airstrikes to punish Syria for using chemical weapons in its civil war, I made the case for not jumping to the conclusion that the chief executive had betrayed his promises to carry out an America First-style foreign policy. This weekend of course came a second set of Syria strikes, with the same declared objective, and I still believe that they don’t herald a new burst of (futile, if not counterproductive) interventionism in the Middle East. My main reason: Mr. Trump’s own words in announcing the attacks.

At the same time, don’t think that I’m incredibly confident that I’m right.  

First, the reasons for some confidence about where Syria policy is headed. According to the President, he’s under no illusion that either limited American uses of military force or more comprehensive policies will cure what ails Syria or the completely dysfunctional and failed Middle Eastern neighborhood in which it lives. In his words, not only is he opposed to “an indefinite presence in Syria.” He declared more broadly:

“Looking around our very troubled world, Americans have no illusions. We cannot purge the world of evil or act everywhere there is tyranny.

“No amount of American blood or treasure can produce lasting peace and security in the Middle East. It’s a troubled place. We will try to make it better, but it is a troubled place.”

In other words, Mr Trump is rejecting the globalist premises of his post-World War II predecessors. Reflecting the ostensible (and, it seems, eternal) lessons of appeasing fascist dictators during the 1930s, they have held that aggression or turmoil or instability or (fill in the upsetting development of your choice) anywhere are all too likely to escalate into crises that will eventually threaten the United States.

As a result, American forces repeatedly have been ordered into backwater conflicts with no intrinsic potential to affect U.S. security, prosperity, or freedom in any tangible way. But given the consequent globalist resolve both to nip these problems in the bud, as well as to address their underlying causes, they have demonstrated plenty of potential to mire the country into a series of costly quagmires.

Therefore, even though Mr. Trump – like former President Barack Obama before him – has described the airstrikes as essential for upholding a global norm (decades-long international bans on the “ghastly,” “barbaric,” and “brutal” use of chemical weapons), he seems to believe that this military practice can be isolated not only from whatever deep-rooted economic, social, and cultural failures have produced the strife that has occasioned their use, but from that consequent conflict itself.

But I’m worried about three big caveats. First, as long as the Syria civil war lasts, the more apparent it will become that limited actions like airstrikes won’t prevent atrocities like chemical weapons use, and the greater the temptation for more ambitious measures judged likelier to achieve their aims – but also capable of triggering a conflict with Russia, which like the United States has officials and military personnel in Syria.

Second, although the President has portrayed Syria as a conflict from which the United States can soon walk away, this analysis depends on claims that deserve major skepticism, to say the least – like the final defeat of ISIS (and, by extension, all jihadist terrorism?), and the possible emergence of a regional coalition of Sunni Arab states that “can ensure that Iran does not profit from the eradication of ISIS” and spread its influence across the Middle East.

After decades in which the American people have been told (rightly) that the region can endanger their security (via that terrorism) and their prosperity (via its gargantuan oil supplies), these positions will invariably look like naive hopes if the President’s rosy scenario doesn’t pan out. In fact, they could well spur calls for deeper and more dangerous U.S. involvement – even from an understandably skeptical public.

What’s of course supremely ironic about that dilemma is that important elements of the Trump domestic programs look like much more promising ways to shield the nation from Middle East threats than the globalist strategy he’s partly embraced of “fighting ’em there so we don’t face ’em here,” and promoting prosperity by trying to control a dizzying array of events abroad.

As I’ve written repeatedly, it makes much more sense to deal with terrorism by “keeping them out of here” through the kinds of serious border security programs the President endorses, and to continue breaking the region’s strong choke hold on global energy supplies by supporting the production revolution that American energy companies have engineered at home.

The third reason for concerns about a more interventionist Trump foreign policy has to do with his appointment of John R. Bolton as his national security adviser. Bolton, a former (interim) U.S. UN ambassador during George W. Bush’s presidency, is a strong, lifelong supporter of using the American military to solve all manner of national security challenges abroad.

It’s true that, unlike most globalists, Bolton seems to believe that these challenges will stay solved without any kind of nation-building- or democracy promotion-type follow-on. Hence his unrepentant support for the Bush administration overthrow of Iraq’s Saddam Hussein  – without a serious plan for the war’s aftermath. In all, it’s worrisome for believers in an America First approach to foreign policy that Bolton’s often trigger-happy voice could often be the last one Mr. Trump hears before making a momentous strategic decision.

Bottom-line: The slope leading from America’s current approach to Syria and the Middle East’s turmoil in general to another major war isn’t completely slippery. But it’s hard to be confident that President Trump’s footing is completely secure, either.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: On Eve of Trump Tariffs, a Big Increase for the (January) U.S. Trade Deficit

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Canada, China, European Union, exports, high tech goods trade, imports, manufacturing, merchandise trade, Mexico, NAFTA, North American Free Trade Agreement, oil, South Korea, tariffs, Trade, Trade Deficits, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The U.S. monthly trade deficit surged in January to its highest level ($56.6o billion) since October, 2008 ($60.19 billion) – when the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy sparked a worldwide financial and economic panic.

New all-time records were set by monthly services exports ($66.66 billion) and imports ($46.78 billion), and December results for both were revised significantly upward (0.77 percent for the former, and 2.07 percent for the latter). The trade deficit in petroleum products jumped by 116.64 percent on month in January – the biggest sequential percentage increase ever – to $7.08 billion. That total was a post-March ($8.28 billion) high.

America’s January merchandise trade deficit in goods ($76.49 billion) was a post-July, 2008 ($77.63 billion) high, while the trade gaps in manufacturing and in goods with China bounced back on month to their second highest all-time totals ($35.95 billion and $86.62 billion, respectively). Moreover, U.S. merchandise exports to China sank by their greatest percentage on month (28.05 percent) since January, 1999 (43.37 percent). Total exports fell on month (by 1.30 percent) for the first time since October, and combined goods and services imports dipped fractionally (to $257.51 billion) from the upwardly revised record set in December.

Here are selected highlights of the latest monthly (January) trade balance figures released this morning by the Census Bureau:

>The combined U.S. goods and services trade deficit rose on month in January to its biggest total ($53.91 billion) since October, 2008 ($60.19 billion) – when the world economy teetered on the brink of meltdown due to the Lehman Brothers bankruptcy.

>The figure represented a 4.99 percent increase from a December figure of $53.91 billion that was revised up by an unusually large 1.49 percent.

>January saw all-time records for monthly services exports and imports. The former improved sequentially from by 0.41 percent, from $66.39 billion to $66.66 billion, while the latter grew by 0.38 percent, from $46.60 billion to $46.78 billion.

>At the same time, both services trade figures also saw major revisions in the December – both upward. The exports number was raised by 0.77 percent, and imports upgraded by an enormous 2.07 percent.

>January’s trade deficit increase was led in relative terms by the nation’s oil trade deficit – which more than doubled sequentially, from $3.27 billion to $7.08 billion. That was the highest such total since last March’s $8.28 billion.

>Partly as a result, the U.S. merchandise trade deficit widened sequentially in January by 3.79 percent, to $76.49 billion – its highest such level since July, 2008’s $77.63 billion.

>But manufacturing contributed significantly to the rise in the overall trade deficit and the merchandise shortfall as well. Its chronic trade shortfall ballooned by 14.54 percent on month to hit $86.62 billion – just shy of October’s record of $88.98 billion.

>Manufacturing exports slid by 8.99 percent sequentially in January, from $94.89 billion to $86.36 billion, while imports were off by only 0.08 percent, from $173.13 billion to $172.99 billion.

>In turn, helping to fuel this deterioration in the manufacturing trade balance was the 16.70 percent worsening of the U.S. merchandise deficit with China. The January figure of $35.93 billion was the second highest of all time, too – trailing only September, 2015’s $36.29 billion. The increase, moreover, was the biggest since May, 2016’s 19.43 percent. 

>Mainly responsible for the China trade deficit’s increase was a 28.05 percent nosedive in U.S. goods exports to the strongly growing People’s Republic. Although the decrease followed a record December export total of $13.67 billion, it was still the biggest such percentage drop since January, 1999 (43.37 percent). 

>The $9.84 billion in U.S. goods sales to China in January, moreover, was the lowest such figure since June’s $9.71 billion. 

>U.S. merchandise imports from China rose – by 2.95 percent, to $45.79 billion.

>Total goods exports were down in January by 1.30 percent (to $200.91 billion) from December’s upwardly revised $203.61 billion. The drop was the first since October.

>Total imports in January dipped only fractionally – to $257.510 billion – from December’s upwardly revised record of $257.514 billion.

>The high tech goods trade deficit rose by 14.25 percent on month in January, from $10.06 billion to $11.49 billion.

>High tech exports plunged on month by 18.11 percent to $27.46 billion – a post February, 2017 ($25.39 billion) low, and the biggest falloff since January, 2017’s 19.01 percent.

>High tech goods imports sank, too – by 10.64 percent, to $38.95 billion. That was the biggest drop since last February’s 13.31 percent.

>As the Trump administration’s efforts to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) face an uncertain future, America’s merchandise trade deficit with Canada shot up by 65.04 percent on month in January, to $3.64 billion. That’s its highest level since December, 2014 ($4.07 billion).

>Yet the U.S. goods trade shortfall with Mexico decreased by 23.03 percent – to $4.14 billion. That’s the lowest such total since last January ($3.95 billion).

>Trade tensions with the European Union (EU) seem to growing as well, due mainly to the Trump administration’s announcement of steel and aluminum tariffs. In January, however, the merchandise trade gap with the EU fell by 13.88 percent, to $13.62 billion.

>President Trump is also hoping to revamp the bilateral U.S.-South Korea trade agreement (KORUS). In January, America’s goods trade deficit with South Korea hit $1.97 billion – a 57.57 percent monthly rise. At the same time, December’s $1.25 billion goods trade gap was the smallest since December, 2016’s $1.17 billion.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New Figures Show a Likely Post-Recession U.S. Trade Deficit High in Trump’s Year One

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Census Bureau, China, exports, gross domestic product, high tech goods, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, non-oil goods deficit, oil, recovery, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

In November, the highest combined U.S. goods and services trade deficit ($50.50 billion) since January, 2012 ($50.98 billion) threatened to push the annual shortfall to its highest level since 2008 ($708.73 billion) – as the Great Recession got underway.

The 3.24 percent sequential increase in the overall trade deficit resulted in part from a 46.11 percent monthly jump in the oil gap and from the second straight all-time monthly figure for total imports ($250.72 billion versus October’s $244.70 billion); record monthly goods imports ($205.46 billion); a second straight record monthly high-tech goods deficit ($15.53 billion versus October’s $13.82 billion) which propelled the total to a new annual record ($100.33 billion) after only eleven months; and all-time highs in the monthly non-oil goods deficit in inflation-adjusted and pre-inflation terms ($66.66 billion versus $65.43 billion), and ($65.22 billion versus $64.99 billion). The former will probably help turn trade into a net U.S. growth killer in the fourth quarter of this year, and since both are largely driven by U.S. trade policy, their growth signals major continuing challenges for the Trump administration in this field.

The immense U.S. manufacturing trade deficit retreated on month from its October all-time high ($88.98 b). But at $86.20 billion, it still represented the second highest monthly total on record, and on an annual basis, this gap, too, seems likely to set its latest annual record. Not surprisingly, given its manufacturing-heavy nature, the enormous U.S. merchandise trade deficit with China looks headed to a new annual record as well.

Here are selected highlights of the latest monthly (November) trade balance figures released Friday morning by the Census Bureau:

>November’s combined U.S. goods and services trade deficit of ($50.50 billion), the highest such level since January, 2012’s $50.98 billion, greatly boosted the odds that the overall trade shortfall in 2017 will be the worst since 2008’s $708.73 billion – which was recorded as the Great Recession was spreading through the American economy.

>As of November, the total trade deficit of $513.58 billion was running 11.60 percent ahead of last year’s rate and is already higher than the full year total of $504.79 billion. The current post-2008 high for the overall trade shortfall is only $548.63 billion, reached in 2011.

>The November combined goods and services trade deficit total represented a 3.24 percent increase over the upwardly revised October figure of $48.91 billion.

>The monthly trade deficit has now risen sequentially three straight times after falling for four straight times.

>One big driver of the trade gap’s monthly rise was a 46.11 percent sequential jump in the U.S. oil trade deficit. The $1.51 billion increase, from just under $3.27 billion to just over $4.77 billion, accounted for nearly 95 percent of the trade shortfall’s monthly deterioration.

>But also contributing were several all-time deficit and import records in various components of overall U.S. trade flows.

>U.S. overall imports set their second straight monthly record in November, with the $250.72 billion topping October’s $244.7 billion by 2.46 percent.

>Monthly goods imports of $205.46 billion amounted to a record, too – surpassing the previous all-time high of $202.37 billion, set in April, 2014, by 1.53 percent.

>The record November deficit in high tech goods of $15.53 billion was a second straight all-time high as well. It eclipsed October’s $13.82 billion by 12.37 percent.

>In fact, this performance has already propelled this shortfall to a new annual record of $100.33 billion – 1.63 percent higher after 11 months than 2011’s 12-month total of $98.72 billion.

>New monthly deficit records were also set in the non-oil goods deficits on both an inflation-adjusted and pre-inflation-adjusted basis. Both reflect significantly reflect on the performance of U.S. trade policy, since they’re comprised of trade flows heavily influenced by trade agreements and similar decisions. And the continued deterioration of these “Made in Washington” trade deficits indicates that President Trump still faces major challenges in transforming America’s approach to the global economy.

>In addition, the inflation-adjusted figure is part of the calculation of the most closely-followed measure of America’s gross domestic product and its changes, and the November results suggest that trade will return to its typical role as an American economic growth killer in the fourth quarter of this year.

>In current dollars, the non-oil goods deficit rose sequentially to its second straight monthly record, with the November $65.22 billion figure standing 0.35 percent higher than October’s upwardly revised $64.99 billion.

>The real non-oil goods deficit also achieved its second straight monthly record in November, as it also increased by 0.35 percent on month to $65.66 billion. This trade shortfall is running 5.65 percent ahead of last year’s pace.

>As a result, the trade drag on the current economic recovery is likely to increase in the fourth quarter from the final third quarter figure of 16.36 percent – representing $459.9 billion worth of after-inflation growth lost since the recession officially ended in mid-2009.

>Interestingly, these developments were so adverse that they more than offset the effects of several record export totals.

>Specifically, a 2.27 percent sequential rise in total exports in November brought them to a new monthly record of $200.22 billion – fractionally higher than the previous all-time best of $200.14 billion from October, 2014.

>Moreover, the services sector set its second straight monthly exports record, with the November figure of $65.66 billion inching past October’s $65.60 billion.

>In addition, goods exports in November rose to their best level ($134.57 billion) since November, 2014’s $135.75 billion.

>The huge and longstanding U.S. manufacturing trade deficit retreated in November from the all-time record it set in October ($88.98 billion). But at $86.20 billion, it still represented the second highest total on record.

>Manufacturing exports fell 1.02 percent on month in November, to $92.88 billion. Manufacturing imports dropped nearly twice as fast – by 2.05 percent, to $179.08 billion.

>Year-to-date, the manufacturing trade deficit is running 6.85 percent seven percent ahead of 2016’s record total of $863.07 billion – which was an all-time high.

>On year between January and November, manufacturing exports have increased by 4.19 percent, and imports have risen by 5.45 percent.

>The massive, longstanding U.S. merchandise trade deficit with China rose by only 0.57 percent month-to-month in November. But the $35.43 billion figure did represent the third highest monthly total on record.

>U.S. goods imports from China in November fell by a mere 0.10 percent from October’s all-time high of $48.20 billion to $48.15 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to China’s fast-growing economy decreased much faster – by 1.93 percent, to $12.72 billion.

>Year-to-date, the China goods deficit is running 7.86 percent ahead of last year’s total – and 1.50 percent ahead of the 2015 rate, which eventually set the current annual record.

Our So-Called Foreign Policy: The Case for a “Made in America” Approach

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Africa, AIDS, border security, climate change, corruption, diseases, foreign policy, foreign policy establishment, globalism, HIV, human rights, internationalism, Iran, Iran deal, Islamic terrorism, Israel, Jeffrey Goldberg, Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Middle East, missile defense, nuclear proliferation, oil, Our So-Called Foreign Policy, population control, Project-Syndicate.org, shale, terrorism, The New York Times, Thomas Friedman

I’m picking on New York Times uber-pundit Thomas Friedman again today – not because of any personal animus, but because, as noted yesterday, he’s such an effective, influential creator of and propagandist for the conventional wisdom on so many public policy fronts. And just to underscore that it’s nothing personal, I’ll also put in my cross-hairs another, though lower profile, thought leader: Harvard political scientist Joseph S. Nye, Jr. The reason? Both recently have provided us with quintessential illustrations of how lazy – and indeed juvenile – the justifications for American international activism served up by the bipartisan foreign policy establishment have grown.

The analyses I’m talking about aren’t quite as childishly simplistic as the establishment theme I wrote about last month – the assumption that American involvement in alliances and international organizations and regimes is automatically good, and that withdrawal or avoidance is automatically bad. But because it’s a little more sophisticated, it can be even more harmful. It’s the insistence that whenever the United States faces a problem with an international dimension, the remedy is some form of international engagement.

A recent Friedman column revealed one big weakness with this assumption: It often logically leads to the conclusion that a problem is utterly hopeless, at least for the foreseeable future. Just think about the only sensible implications of this October 31 article, which insists that the apparently metastasizing threat of Islamic terrorism in Africa can’t be adequately dealt with through the military tools on which the Trump administration is relying.

Why not? “Because what is destabilizing all of these countries in the Sahel region of Africa and spawning terrorist groups is a cocktail of climate change, desertification — as the Sahara steadily creeps south — population explosions and misgovernance.

“Desertification is the trigger, and climate change and population explosions are the amplifiers. The result is a widening collapse of small-scale farming, the foundation of societies all over Africa.”

I have no doubt that Friedman is right here. And as a result, he has a point to slam the Trump administration “for sending soldiers to fight a problem that is clearly being exacerbated by climate and population trends….” (That’s of course a prime form of American international activism.)

But he veers wildly off course in suggesting that other forms of such activism – “global contraception programs,” “U.S. government climate research” and the like are going to do much good, especially in the foreseeable future. Unless he supposes that, even if American policies turned on a dime five or even ten years ago, Africa would be much less of a mess? The only adult conclusion possible is that nothing any government can do is going to turn the continent into something other than a major spawning ground for extremism and refugees.

And this conclusion looks especially convincing considering the African problem to which Friedman – and so many other supporters of such approaches – gives short shrift: dreadfully corrupt governments. For this is a problem that has afflicted Africa since the countries south of the Sahara began gaining their independence from European colonialists in the late-1950s. (And the colonialists themselves weren’t paragons of good government, either.)

So I’m happy to agree that we shouldn’t pretend that sending American special forces running around Africa helping local dictators will actually keep the terrorists under control (although as I’ve argued in the case of the Middle East, such deployments could helpfully keep them off balance). But let’s not pretend that anything Friedman supports will help, either – at least in the lifetime of anyone reading this.

Nye has held senior government foreign policy posts in Democratic administrations and, in the interests of full disclosure, we have crossed swords in print – mainly about the proper definition of internationalism and about a review of an anthology he edited that he didn’t like (which doesn’t seem to be on-line). But I hope you agree that there’s still a big problem with his November 1 essay for Project-Syndicate.org about the implications of America’s domestic energy production revolution for the nation’s approach to the Middle East.

In Nye’s words: “Skeptics have argued that lower dependence on energy imports will cause the US to disengage from the Middle East. But this misreads the economics of energy. A major disruption such as a war or terrorist attack that stopped the flow of oil and gas through the Strait of Hormuz would drive prices to very high levels in America and among our allies in Europe and Japan. Besides, the US has many interests other than oil in the region, including nonproliferation of nuclear weapons, protection of Israel, human rights, and counterterrorism.”

Two related aspects of this list of reasons for continued American engagement in the region stand out. First, it’s completely indiscriminate. And second, for this reason, it completely overlooks how some of these unmistakably crucial U.S. interests can be much more effectively promoted or defended not through yet more American intervention in this increasingly dysfunctional region, but through changes in American domestic policies.

For instance, we’re (rightly) worried about nuclear proliferation, especially in Iran? How can today’s engagement policy help? Even if the the current Iran nuclear deal works exactly as intended, what happens when it runs out? Should we simply assume that Tehran will be happy to keep its nuclear genie in a bottle for another fifteen years? Will Iran be persuaded to give up the nuclear option permanently if Washington cultivates even closer ties with its age-old Sunni Muslim enemies, like Saudi Arabia?

Although I’m a missile defense skeptic – especially when it comes to the near-term threat from North Korea – isn’t figuring out a more effective way to repel an Iranian strike more likely to protect the American homeland? It’s certainly a response over which the United States will have much more control – and indeed, any control. In addition, if the United States withdraws militarily from the Persian Gulf region, Iran’s reason for launching such an attack in the first place fades away and, as I’ve argued in the case of North Korea, America’s own vastly superior nuclear forces become a supremely credible deterrent for any other contingencies.

Of course the United States faces a big Middle East-related terrorism problem. But as I’ve argued previously, the keys to America’s defense are serious border security measures. They, too, pass the “control test” with flying colors, and consequently seem much more promising than the status quo approach of trying to shape the region’s future in more constructive ways. But as I’ve also written, it would also make sense to keep in the Middle East small-scale American forces whose mission is continually harassing ISIS and Al Qaeda and whatever other groups of vicious nutballs are certain to appear going forward.

Nye’s point about the integration of global energy markets is a valid one. But in the same article, he acknowledges how the U.S. domestic energy revolution’s “combination of entrepreneurship, property rights, and capital markets” has changed the game for America. Why does he suppose that its effects won’t spread significantly beyond our borders?

As for Nye’s other two reasons for continued U.S. Middle East engagement, the notion that Washington can do anything meaningful to promote the cause of human rights simply isn’t serious, and Israel has amply demonstrated that, with enough American military aid, it can take care of itself.

Moreover, as you may recognize, the arguments for mainly focusing on border security to handle the Middle East terrorist threat applies to the African menace that’s preoccupying Friedman.

The main takeaway here isn’t that U.S. international engagement will never be needed to protect national security, safeguard the nation’s independence, or enhance its prosperity. It’s that Made in America approaches will turn out to be vastly superior in many cases – and certainly in many more cases than the bipartisan globalist foreign policy establishment recognizes. How long will it take for President Trump to get fully on board?

By the way, I first began exploring the idea of Made in America solutions to foreign policy problems and international threats when I read this article by current Atlantic Monthly Editor Jeffrey Goldberg. He argued in 1999 that the nation was making a big mistake ignoring Africa in its diplomacy because the continent was likely to become a source of deadly diseases sure to cross oceans and eventually afflict Americans and others; that “H.I.V., of course, is a particularly vicious warning shot”; and that it was high time for Washington to deal with “poverty, poor sanitation and political instability” as well as put “a global system of public health and disease surveillance in place.”

Not that Goldberg presented a stark either-or choice, but my reaction was “If we do need to figure out whether to place more AIDS-fighting emphasis on promoting African economic development, or on finding a cure through medical research, isn’t the latter much likelier to deliver major results much sooner?”

As is clear from the Friedman article, Africa’s array of problems continues unabated. And according to no less than the (devoutly globalist) Obama administration, as of last year, the United States was “on the right track to reach most of its “National HIV/AIDS Strategy” goals for 2020 – which seek an America that’s “a place where new HIV infections are rare” and where “high quality, life-extending care” is available.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: U.S. Trade Deficit Falls Slightly in August as Strong Exports Outweigh Record Manufacturing Shortfall

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Canada, Census Bureau, China, European Union, exports, goods trade, imports, Japan, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, Mexico, non-oil goods trade deficit, oil, recovery, services, South Korea, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

In August, the combined U.S. goods and services trade deficit declined by 2.67 percent sequentially to hit $42.40 billion – its lowest monthly level since September, 2016’s $38.47 billion. The improvement came even though several typical major engines of trade deficit growth worsened.

A new record was set for the chronic and huge manufacturing trade deficit, with its $82.15 billion August total topping the previous high (last November’s $80.75 billion) by 1.73 percent. The manufacturing-heavy China goods gap, meanwhile, grew to its highest monthly level ($34.89 billion) since September, 2015 ($36.29 billion). And the pre-inflation oil trade deficit, which has decreased dramatically in recent years, staged its strongest monthly rebound (jumping by 60.59 percent) since June, 2016 (60.84 percent). Pointing to a hurricane effect: the biggest monthly drop in current dollar oil exports (11.53 percent) since August, 2015 (12.62 percent).

Boosting the August trade performance was the new all-time high hit for services exports ($66.11 billion), the best overall monthly exports figure ($195.32 billion) since December, 2014 ($197.18 billion), and the best monthly goods exports reading ($129.21 billion) since April, 2015 ($129.72 billion). America’s goods trade deficits with Mexico and South Korea, both of which have been criticized by President Trump, increased sequentially in August (by 25.49 percent and 15.20 percent). And the longstanding Japan merchandise deficit grew by 13.49 percent on month.

But merchandise trade shortfall with Trump trade target Canada plummeted by 61.43 percent month-to-month, and the goods gap with the European Union fell by 7.92 percent. The latest figures on the growth-slowing impact of the Made in Washington trade deficit show that it’s weakened slightly (from slowing the U.S. economic recovery by 17.40 percent as of the first quarter of this year to cutting inflation-adjusted growth by 17.30 percent in the second quarter). The new August trade figures indicate that it might decline modestly again once third quarter GDP and September trade data are released.

Here are selected highlights of the latest monthly (August) trade balance figures released this morning by the Census Bureau:

>America’s combined goods and services trade deficit declined by 2.67 percent on month in August to its lowest level ($42.40 billion) since September, 2016 ($38.47 billion), as a new monthly record manufacturing trade shortfall and poor China and hurricane-related oil results were more than offset by strong export performances, including a new all-time high for services exports.

>The August manufacturing trade deficit of $82.15 billion was 1.73 percent greater than the previous record total of $80.75 billion, set last November.

>August manufacturing exports grew by a solid 6.82 percent on month, to $93.51 billion. But the far larger amount of imports rose by 5.07 percent, to $175.67 billion.

>Year-to-date, the manufacturing trade deficit is running 5.56 percent ahead of last year’s record pace. Manufacturing exports for the January-August period are up 4.04 percent, and imports have increased nearly as fast – 4.72 percent.

>Fueling these manufacturing trade results in August was a 3.99 percent month-to-month widening of America’s manufacturing-heavy trade deficit with China. The $34.89 billion total was the largest monthly figure since September, 2015’s $36.29 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to China improved sequentially in August by an impressive 8.75 percent, but merchandise imports, which are much greater, increased by 5.08 percent.

>Year-to-date, the merchandise deficit with China is 6.24 percent higher than last year’s total – which was the second largest annual figure ever.

>The pre-inflation U.S. oil trade deficit, which has nosedived in recent years thanks to the energy production revolution, rose in August from $3.02 billion to $4.85 billion. That 60.59 percent monthly increase was the biggest such rise since the 60.84 percent surge registered in June, 2016.

>Pointing to the effects of this year’s violent hurricane season, oil exports in August recorded their biggest monthly decrease (11.53 percent) since August, 2015 (12.62 percent).

>On a year-to-date basis, however despite the longer-term improvement, this oil shortfall is outpacing last year’s by a stunning 36.01 percent.

>The hurricane impact on oil was also suggested by the excellent export data produced by other major sectors of the economy.

>Services set a new overseas sales record in August, and reached their second all-time monthly high in the last three months. August’s $66.11 billion bested June’s $65.90 billion by 0.33 percent.

>Total U.S. exports improved by 0.42 percent, to $195.32 billion, and thereby hit their highest level since December, 2014’s $197.18 billion.

>Goods exports rose even faster sequentially in August, by 0.44 percent to $129.21 billion. The result was their strongest month since April, 2015 ($129.72 billion).

>Having set reform of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) as a priority, President Trump no doubt noticed that the U.S. merchandise trade deficit with Mexico surged by 25.49 percent on month in August, to $6.18 billion. U.S. goods exports to Mexico were 5.73 percent higher in August than in July, but import growth was 9.68 percent.

>The year-to-date merchandise deficit with Mexico is so far 11.72 percent higher than in the first eight months of 2016.

>America’s merchandise trade deficit with South Korea, which has just this week agreed to substantive talks on modifying its bilateral trade deal with the United States, increased by 15.20 percent sequentially in August, to $2.22 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to South Korea actually sank by 8.21 percent on month – the biggest such decrease since January’s 21.51 percent. America’s merchandise imports from South Korea fell, too, and for the second straight month – but by only 0.70 percent.

>America’s merchandise trade deficit with South Korea is down so far this year by fully 28.07 percent on a year-to-date basis. But since the bilateral trade deal went into effect, in March, 2012, it’s nearly tripled.

>The U.S. merchandise trade deficit with Japan increased notably (13.49 percent) as well on month in August, to $6.55 billion.

>America’s goods exports to the world’s third biggest single national economy decreased by 5.52 percent month-to-month, while its goods imports rose by 4.02 percent.

>Year-to-date, this merchandise deficit with Japan is running 12.54 percent ahead of last year’s level.

>Better news came in merchandise trade with America’s other NAFTA partner, Canada. The U.S. deficit – which has been volatile recently – plummeted by 61.43 percent in August, to just $410 million.

>American goods exports to Canada improved by 12.50 percent. Imports climbed, too, but by only 9.06 percent.

>Year-to-date, though, the U.S. merchandise trade shortfall with Canada is running nearly three times ahead of last year’s rate.

>Improvement in August was also seen in American merchandise trade with the European Union (EU) – the world’s largest economic unit. On a monthly basis, the U.S. deficit narrowed in August by 7.92 percent, to $12.39 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to the EU advanced by 9.08 percent on month, while imports were up only 2.52 percent.

>Year-to-date, moreover, the American merchandise deficit with the EU is running 0.72 percent behind last year’s rate.

>The latest data for the growth drag on the still weak U.S. economic recovery of rising trade deficits are only from the second quarter. But by both major measures, they show that trade’s bite into the expansion is easing, but remains deep.

>Since the recovery began, in mid-2009, to the end of the second quarter of this year, the increase in the trade deficit has reduced cumulative after-inflation output during the expansion by 9.24 percent, or $247.30 billion. That’s down from the 10.04 percent, and $255.9 billion, as of the first quarter.

>The toll on the expansion attributable to U.S. trade policy is diminishing, too, but has been much higher. This Made in Washington deficit strips out of inflation-adjusted American trade flows energy and services – two sectors where trade policy and related decisions have had only marginal effects so far. The remainder of U.S. trade flows – of goods except oil – are heavily influenced by policy.

>Since the recovery’s onset, the rise of this Made in Washington deficit has cost the recovery $462.8 billion in lost growth in absolute terms – or 17.30 percent of the cumulative total. That’s down from a growth bite of 17.40 percent worth ($443.3 billion in absolute terms) for the first quarter.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: August US Manufacturing Output Joins List of Harvey’s Victims

Tags

automotive, chemicals, durable goods, energy, Federal Reserve, Great Recession, Gulf coast, Hurricane Harvey, industrial production, inflation-adjusted output, Louisiana, manufacturing, natural gas, non-durable goods, oil, recovery, Texas, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Hurricane Harvey’s devastation of the energy-rich Texas and Louisiana Gulf coasts slammed into America’s after-inflation manufacturing output in August as well, as the Federal Reserve’s new industrial production figures showed real manufacturing output down 0.26 percent on month due mainly to fall-offs in chemical industries that use oil and gas as feedstocks. As a result, constant dollar non-durable goods output fell in August by its greatest monthly total (0.86 percent) since January, 2014 (1.20 percent), and overall chemicals production sank by its greatest sequential amount (2.15 percent) since recessionary December, 2008 (4.85 percent).

After-inflation production was off by the greatest monthly totals since that time in basic chemicals; organic chemicals; and especially in resins, synthetic rubber, and artificial and synthetic fibers and filaments. The most affected industry was fibers and filaments, where price-adjusted output plummeted by 9.10 percent – the worst such performance in this volatile sector since November, 2008 (11.25 percent).

Among the bright spots in the August manufacturing production figures: The automotive industry saw its first real output improvement in four months (2.16 percent), and revisions for manufacturing were positive. All the same, America’s real industrial production levels remain 4.03 percent lower than their pre-recession peak – more than nine years ago in December, 2007.

Here are the manufacturing highlights of the Federal Reserve’s new release on August industrial production:

>Hurricane Harvey’s devastation of the energy-rich Texas and Louisiana Gulf coasts devastated enough of the nation’s chemicals industry to create a 0.26 percent monthly sequential drop in real manufacturing output in August.

>The decline was heavily concentrated in chemicals, and especially in sectors highly dependent on Gulf oil and gas as feedstocks.

>The Harvey effects could first be seen in the non-durable goods sector in which chemicals industries are found. Its August inflation-adjusted production decreased by 0.86 percent – the worst sequential performance since January, 2014’s 1.20 percent fall-off.

>The enormous chemicals industry suffered as well, with price-adjusted production down 2.15 percent on month in August – its biggest such decline since December, 2008’s 4.85 percent, at the nadir of the Great Recession.

>Similar multi-year worsts were registered in basic chemicals, organic chemicals, and the resin, synthetic rubber, and artificial and synthetic fibers and filaments grouping. The latter two segments – which often displays volatile production patterns – saw real output dive in August on month by 9.10 percent, the greatest drop since November, 2008’s 11.25 percent.

>The hit to oil refineries so far has been more modest – their constant dollar output was off on month by just 1.93 percent. Nonetheless, this represented the biggest such decline since June, 2014’s 2.06 percent.

>Better news in August was generated by the U.S. automotive sector. Since leading domestic manufacturing out of its deep recessionary slump during most of the recovery, combined vehicle and parts production has tailed off recently – including a July sequential production plunge that has now been revised down (to 4.16 percent) to the worst such performance since June, 2015 (4.48 percent).

>In fact, combined vehicle and parts production had worsened sequentially for three straight months.

>But in August, after-inflation automotive output advanced by 2.16 percent sequentially, and helped the durable goods super-sector grow by 0.30 percent on month.

>In addition, the Fed’s real manufacturing output revisions were positive, including an upgrade for July from a 0.06 percent dip to a 0.04 percent rise.

>In fact, largely because real manufacturing output was so weak in 2016, August’s fair results were enough to push price-adjusted year-on-year output up to 1.63 percent from July’s 1.49 percent.

>Nonetheless, the August Fed figures make clear that U.S. domestic manufacturing has still not full recovered from the Great Recession. In terms of real output, it remains 4.03 percent smaller than its pre-recession high – reached more than nine years ago, in December, 2007.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Great Oil Month and Still the July Trade Deficit Worsened

Tags

Canada, China, EU, European Union, exports, high tech goods trade, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufacturing, merchandise trade, NAFTA, North American Free Trade Agreement, oil, recovery, South Korea, Trade, trade deficit, trade surplus, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The combined U.S. goods and services rose sequentially in July (by just 0.33 percent) for the first time in three months even though America’s oil trade improved so much that in inflation-adjusted terms, oil exports set a new record high ($10.87 billion), and the oil trade deficit set a new record low ($6.80 billion). Moreover, in current-dollar terms, July’s $3.09 billion oil trade deficit was a 30.78 percent drop from June and the smallest since May, 2016’s $3.03 billion.

Nonetheless, not only did the monthly overall trade deficit worsen slightly; the seven-month year-to-date total ($319.10 billion) is up 9.60 percent from last year’s level, and the highest such figure since 2012 ($324.83 billion). Moreover, most of the bilateral goods shortfalls with countries that have drawn President Trump’s ire on trade rose on month, including Canada (where it more than doubled), South Korea (up 4.26 percent, partly on a 3.71 percent U.S. exports drop), and China (up 2.99 percent to a post-August, 2016 high). In addition, America’s goods sales to Canada sank on month in July by 13.85 percent – their biggest such decline since July, 2006’s 20.38 percent. The merchandise deficit with Mexico, however, fell steeply for the second straight month.

The huge, chronic manufacturing trade deficit rebounded sequentially by 4.61 percent as both exports and imports fell, but stayed 6.19 percent ahead of last year’s record pace, and although the volatile high tech goods gap tra and the volatile high tech goods trade gap dropped on month by 7.51 percent, it’s running 31.12 percent of last year’s rate and looks poised to reach an all-time annual high as well. The trade drag on the current, still sluggish American economic recovery dipped through the second quarter of this year, but has still cut its cumulative real growth by 17.31 percent, or nearly $463 billion.

Here are selected highlights of the latest monthly (July) trade balance figures released this morning by the Census Bureau:

>July saw record U.S. monthly real high oil exports ($10.87 billion), a record low real oil trade deficit ($6.80 billion), and the smallest current-dollar oil trade deficit ($3.09 billion) since last August ($3.03 billion). But none were enough to prevent the combined July goods and services trade deficit from rising slightly on month – by 0.33 percent, to $43.69 billion, from a downwardly revised $43.54 billion.

>The new inflation-adjusted oil exports record represented their second straight all-time high, beating June’s $10.35 billion mark by 4.95 percent.

>The new record low monthly after-inflation oil deficit bested the previous low of $7.56 billion, set in May, 2016, by 9.98 percent. It also represented a 14.10 percent drop from the June total.

>The July current-dollar oil deficit was 30.78 percent lower than June’s $4.47 billion level.

>July current-dollar oil exports rose 4.45 percent on month, to $10.24 billion. That was their highest level since November, 2014 ($11.14 billion).

>July current-dollar oil imports fell 6.58 percent, to $13.33 billion. That was their lowest level since last December ($13.82 billion).

>July also generally saw rising sequential trade deficits with countries identified by President Trump as difficult U.S. trade partners.

>As the second round of talks to redo the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) concluded, the U.S. merchandise trade deficit with Canada more than doubled on month, from $461 million to $1.01 billion. This represented the biggest percentage worsening of the deficit since July, 2016 – when a $25 million U.S. surplus turned into a $716 million shortfall.

>U.S. goods exports to Canada sank sequentially by 13.85 percent, to $21.88 billion – the biggest such decrease since July, 2006 (20.38 percent).

>It’s true that the July monthly surge in the merchandise trade deficit Canada followed a June plunge of 66.29 percent. But on a year-to-date basis, the American shortfall has nearly quadrupled, to $11.35 billion.

>A contrast was provided by the American trade ledger with Mexico, where the goods trade deficit fell significantly on month for the second straight month. The 17.37 percent sequential decrease drove the shortfall down to $4.92 billion – its lowest level since January’s $3.95 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to Mexico fell by 7.55 percent, to $19.74 billion, from a June level of $21.35 billion that was the second highest ever. But imports fell even faster – by 9.70 percent, to $24.66 billion. That was the biggest such drop since November, 2015’s 15.06 percent.

>All the same, the on a year-to-date basis, the U.S. merchandise trade deficit with Mexico is 11.94 percent higher than last year’s figure.

>All told, the total U.S. merchandise deficit with its NAFTA partners is 32.30 percent higher over the first seven months of this year than during the first seven months of last year.

>President Trump is also seeking to revise the 2012 U.S. bilateral trade agreement with South Korea, where the American merchandise deficit expanded by 4.26 percent on month in July, to $1.93 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to South Korea dropped by 3.71 percent sequentially, to $4.07 billion, and imports fell by 1.29 percent, to $6.00 billion.

>Year-to-date, the merchandise trade shortfall with South Korea is down by an impressive 30.31 percent so far in 2017. But on a monthly basis, it’s nearly 3.5 times greater than in March, 2012, when the trade agreement went into effect.

>Despite the rise of the yuan in recent months, the American merchandise trade deficit with China continued on its long-time upward track. In July, the shortfall set its second straight post-August, 2016 high – $33.56 billion – as it grew 2.99 percent on month.

>U.S. merchandise exports to China increased by 3.45 percent in July, to $10.05 billion. Goods imports from China rose by 3.10 percent, to $43.60 billion. That figure represented the highest such level since October, 2016’s $43.79 billion.

>Year-to-date, the U.S. merchandise deficit with China is up 6.80 percent as of July.

>More bad July trade news came from America’s commerce with the European Union (EU). The U.S. merchandise trade deficit rose by 7.90 percent on month to $13.45 billion – its highest monthly level since last November ($14.80 billion).

>U.S. goods exports to the EU tumbled by 9.80 percent, to $21.44 billion. That’s the lowest such total since January’s $21.29 billion, and the biggest decrease in these sales since July, 2016 (10.01 percent).

>America’s merchandise imports from the EU were off on month by only 3.71 percent. The resulting $34.89 billion total was the lowest since February’s $32.39 billion, and the biggest such drop since January’s 6.68 percent.

>At the same time, on a year-to-date basis, the U.S. merchandise trade deficit with the EU is only 0.95 percent higher than its comparable 2016 level.

>American manufacturing had another poor month in July as well. Its massive and chronic trade deficit rebounded sequentially by 4.61 percent to $79.64 billion.

>Manufacturing exports plummeted by 8.24 percent on month, from $95.41 billion to $87.54 billion. But imports were off only 2.54 percent, from $171.54 billion to $167.18 billion.

>Year-to-date, the manufacturing trade shortfall has widened by 6.19 percent, from $482.13 billion to $512 billion – indicating that it will set yet another annual record. (Last year’s was $853.07 billion.)

>High tech merchandise trade generated some goods news for the United States in July, at least over the short term. The deficit – which can be volatile on month – fell sequentially by 7.50 percent, from $8.82 billion to $8.16 billion.

>High tech goods exports fell by 5.13 percent, to $29.23 billion, while imports decreased by 5.66 percent, to $37.38 billion.

>Year-to-date, however, the high tech goods trade shortfall is up by 31.12 percent, and seems headed for a new annual record of its own.

>Thanks to revisions in a separate data series kept by the Census Bureau, the drag on U.S. growth during this so-far weak recovery created by the Made in Washington portion of the U.S. trade deficit dipped as of the second quarter of 2017.

>This deficit consists of U.S. trade flows heavily influenced by trade agreements and other trade policy decisions – thus omitting services and oil trade – that are then adjusted for inflation.

>Between the second quarter of 2009 – when the current recovery officially began – and the second quarter of 2017, the increase in this Made in Washington deficit has cut cumulative U.S. growth by 17.31 percent, or $462.82 billion out of $2.6744 billion in real GDP expansion.

>The previous calculable trade drag figure was $463.97 billion (17.47 percent) cut from $2.6551 trillion in cumulative real recovery era growth.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Comeback for the U.S. Trade Deficit – & Most (but not all!) of the Usual Suspects

Tags

Canada, China, energy, exports, GDP, Germany, gross domestic product, high tech goods, imports, Korea, Made in Washington trade deficit, manufactures, Mexico, NAFTA, non-oil goods deficit, North American Free Trade Agreement, oil, recovery, Trade, trade deficit, Trump, {What's Left of) Our Economy

America’s goods and services trade deficit recorded a near-double-digit sequential increase in January to hit $48.49 billion. That monthly total was the highest since March, 2012’s $50.22 billion. Combined goods and services exports inched up sequentially to $192.04 billion – their best performance since December, 2014’s $197.46 billion. But total imports grew some four times faster, to $240.59 billion. That total also was the highest since December, 2014 ($241.21 billion).

America’s pre-inflation oil trade deficit spurred much of the total trade gap’s January rise, soaring by nearly 25 percent sequentially to $7.56 billion – the highest level since July, 2015’s $8.01 billion. An 18.37 percent surge in imports to $16.87 billion, the highest total since January, 2015’s $19.63 billion produced much of this result. But the huge, chronic U.S. manufacturing trade deficit also shot up in January – from $69.52 billion to $75.54 billion. And following a record December monthly plunge in its volatile trade balance, the shortfall in high tech goods more than doubled in January, to $8.46 billion.

The massive and longstanding American merchandise deficit with China rebounded by nearly 13 percent in January from a nine-month low to reach $31.30 billion. The main culprit – the biggest decrease in monthly goods exports to China (13.37 percent) since last January’s 18.87 percent plunge. The goods gap with NAFTA partner Canada jumped by more than 68 percent on month, to $3.62 billion. And the merchandise deficit with free trade partner Korea more than doubled, from a nearly two-year low, to $2.59 billion. Yet the U.S. merchandise deficit with Germany — whose big global surpluses have just been targeted by the Trump administration — hit its lowest level ($4.88 billion) since last February ($4.51 billion), and that with Mexico shrank by just over 10 percent, to $3.95 billion. That was its lowest level since July, 2015 ($3.71 billion).

Most troubling, however, the Made in Washington trade deficit – the gap in goods other than oil that is heavily affected by U.S. trade policy – rose by more than five percent on month to hit $61.43 billion. That total, the highest since March, 2015’s $61.90 billion, signals that the trade drag on the already sluggish current American economic recovery will increase further in the first quarter of this year.

Here are selected highlights of the latest monthly (January) trade balance figures released this morning by the Census Bureau:

>In January, the U.S. trade deficit hit $48.49 billion – its highest monthly level since March, 2012’s $50.22 billion.

>The January total represented a 9.56 percent increase over the December total, which was adjusted only fractionally downward, to $44.26 billion.

>Combined goods and services exports of $192.09 billion represented a 0.56 percent increase over the upwardly revised December figure of $191.01 billion – and the highest monthly result since December, 2014’s $197.46 billion total.

>But combined goods and services imports grew by 2.26 percent in January, from an upwardly revised December level of $225.27 billion to $240.59 billion. That total was also the highest since December, 2014 ($241.21 billion).

>Much of the January trade deficit increase resulted from a 24.72 percent monthly pop in the current-dollar U.S. oil trade deficit. The $7.56 billion total was the highest since July, 2015’s $8.01 billion.

>Pre-inflation oil exports increased by 13.68 percent on month in January, from $8.20 billion to $9.32 billion. But imports surged by 18.37 percent – from $14.26 billion to $16.87 billion. That was their highest total since January, 2015’s $19.63 billion.

>But January’s poor U.S. trade performance was also fueled by an 8.66 percent increase in the massive and chronic manufacturing trade gap, from $69.52 billion to $755.54 billion.

>Manufactures exports sank by 7.02 percent sequentially in January, from $89.36 billion to $83.09 billion. But manufactures imports dipped by only 0.16 percent, from $158.88 billion to $158.62 billion.

>Within manufacturing, the high tech goods deficit worsened dramatically in January, as the monthly shortfall rebounded from a record (71.78 percent) sequential drop in December, to $3.82 billion, to $8.46 billion – i.e., a more-than-doubling.

>U.S. high tech goods exports plummeted in January by 18.93 percent – from $32.18 billion in December to $26.06 billion. Imports, however, declined by only 4.11 percent, from $36.00 billion to $34.52 billion.

>The wider January trade deficits in manufacturing and high tech goods were no doubt linked to the 12.78 percent increase in the American merchandise trade shortfall with China – from $27.76 billion in December (the lowest such figure since last April’s $24.31 billion) to $31.30 billion.

>U.S. goods exports to China fell by 13.37 percent on month in January – from $11.63 billion to $10.07 billion. That was the biggest sequential decrease since last January’s 18.87 percent. U.S. goods imports from China hit $41.38 billion – a 5.07 percent rise from December’s $39.38 billion.

>America’s merchandise deficit with Canada skyrocketed in January by 68.37 percent, from $2.15 billion in December to $3.62 billion. U.S. goods exports to this North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) partner fell 2.35 percent on month, but imports advanced by 4.17 percent.

>The goods deficit with bilateral free trade partner Korea more than doubled in January, from $1.20 billion (the lowest such total since February, 2014’s $1.08 billion) to $2.59 billion. America’s merchandise exports to Korea ticked up by 0.27 percent on month, but its merchandise imports were up 8.91 percent.

>Since the bilateral trade deal went into effect in March, 2012, the U.S. merchandise deficit with Korea has roughly quintupled on a monthly basis.

>By contrast, even though the Trump administration has recently criticized Germany’s burgeoning global trade surpluses, the American merchandise deficit with that country actually shrank on month by 8.72 percent to $4.88 billion.  That was its lowest level since February, 2014 ($4.51 billion).

>Similarly, the United States’ merchandise deficit with its other NAFTA partner, Mexico, fell by 10.13 percent, from $4.39 billion to $3.95 billion. That’s its lowest level since July, 2015 ($3.71 billion).

>At the same time, the 5.21 percent monthly rise in the January real non-oil U.S. goods deficit of $61.43 billion – the biggest such total since March, 2015’s $61.90 billion – spells trouble for American economic growth in the first quarter of this year. This Made in Washington deficit – which strips out areas like energy and services, which are only slightly impacted by American trade policies – influences the most closely followed gross domestic product figures, which are inflation-adjusted.

>Although the final fourth quarter 2016 results are not yet available, preliminary figures so far show that the strong growth of this policy-shaped trade deficit has slowed the cumulative pace of the nation’s historically weak economic recovery by fully 20.56 percent – or $434.78 billion.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: U.S. Trade Deficit Soars in Fourth Quarter and Slows Recovery Growth Dramatically

Tags

exports, GDP, goods, gross domestic product, imports, Made in Washington trade deficit, oil, real GDP, real trade deficit, recovery, services, Trade, trade deficit, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The government’s first figures for fourth quarter and full-year 2016 gross domestic product (GDP) showed the biggest relative quarterly jump in the real annualized U.S. trade deficit (14.82 percent) since the second quarter of 2010 (14.90 percent). As a result, the cumulative trade drag on the current weak U.S. economic recovery shot up from 6.57 percent to 10.13 percent. Trade also took its biggest absolute bite from annualized quarterly real growth (1.70 percentage points from 1.86 percent annualized growth) since the second quarter of 2010 (1.77 percentage points from 3.86 percent annualized growth).

On an annual basis, though, trade drag’s on constant-dollar American growth fell from 0.71 percentage points out of a 2.60 percent improvement to 0.12 percent out of a 1.60 percent uptick. The fourth quarter price-adjusted annualized trade deficit of $599.9 billion was the biggest since the $623.7 billion mark of the first quarter of 2008, and the annual real trade shortfall of $561.6 billion was the biggest since 2007’s $712.6 billion. Both previous peaks were reached as the Great Recession was breaking out.

The new GDP figures revealed new real export records for services ($685.4 billion annualized) on a quarterly basis and for combined goods and services exports ($2.1284 trillion) on an annual basis. New records were also set for quarterly overall imports ($2.7380 trillion annualized), and quarterly goods imports ($2.2548 trillion annualized), and for annual overall imports ($2.6901 trillion), goods imports ($2.2101 trillion), and services imports ($477.6 billion).

Here are the trade highlights from Friday morning’s GDP report from the Department of Commerce:

>The U.S. government’s advance reading of fourth quarter and full-year 2016 inflation-adjusted gross domestic product (GDP) growth shows that a major jump in the quarterly real trade deficit greatly boosted trade’s drag on the nation’s already feeble economic recovery.

>The inflation-adjusted trade deficit for goods and services surge by 14.82 percent on quarter, from $522.2 billion at an annual rate to $599.6 billion. This largest sequential percentage increase since the second quarter of 2010 (14.90 percent) resulted in the greatest trade bite from quarterly growth (1.70 percentage points out of a 1.86 percent annualized real GDP increase) since that second quarter of 2010 (1.77 percentage points out of 3.86 percent annualized growth).

>In consequence, the trade subtraction from cumulative real GDP growth during this historically feeble American economic recovery increased from 6.57 percent to 10.13 percent.

>The rise in the Made in Washington U.S. trade deficit has slashed recovery-era growth to a much greater extent. This gauge measures trade flows heavily influenced by U.S. trade policies – of goods excluding oil (which doesn’t tend to come up in trade negotiations and where American net imports have dropped dramatically) and services (where trade liberalization remains limited).

>Although the first full-year 2016 figures won’t be released until next week, as of the third quarter, the increase in this Made in Washington shortfall cut cumulative inflation-adjusted growth during the recovery by 16.05 percent.

>On an annual basis, trade reduced growth by less in 2016 (0.12 points out of a 1.60 percent real GDP increase) than in 2015 (when it cut 0.71 percentage points from 2.60 percent growth).

>The real trade deficit also grew in 2016 at a much slower pace (four percent) than in the fourth quarter. Nonetheless, at $561.6 billion, it was the greatest annual price-adjusted trade gap since 2007 ($712.6 billion).

>The real trade deficit is also up proportionately as of the end of 2016. In the fourth quarter, it reached its highest share of after-inflation GDP (3.57 percent) since the fourth quarter of 2008 (3.64 percent).

>The full-year 2016 constant-dollar trade gap as a share of real GDP reached its highest level (3.37 percent) since 2008 (3.76 percent).

>In addition, the real trade deficit’s absolute sequential increase in the fourth quarter of 2016 ($77.4 billion) was the strongest such rise since these figures began being tabulated by the Commerce Department in 1999.

>The new GDP figures showed that on a sequential basis, services exports rose by 0.22 percent in the fourth quarter – to a new record of $685.4 billion on an annualized basis.

>Moreover, on an annual basis, combined goods and services exports hit an all-time high, too – rising 0.37 percent in 2016, to $2.1284 trillion.

>Yet import records were hit in the combined real goods and services, and real goods categories on a quarterly basis, and in all major inflation-adjusted categories on an annual basis.

>In the fourth quarter, overall imports rose by two percent after inflation, to $2.7380 trillion annualized.

>Price-adjusted goods imports were up 2.62 percent, to $2.2548 trillion annualized, during the quarter.

>During full-year 2016, overall real imports increased by 1.11 percent, to $2.6901 trillion.

>Real goods imports during the year were 0.73 percent higher than in 2015, reaching $2.2101 trillion.

>Real services imports in 2016 rose by 2.84 percent, to $477.6 billion.