(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Banking Crisis or Not, More U.S. Inflation’s Ahead

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American Rescue Plan, banking system, banks, baseline effect, Biden administration, CCP Virus, consumer price index, core inflation, coronavirus, cost of living, COVID 19, CPI, election 2024, Federal Reserve, finance, gasoline prices, inflation, interest rates, monetary policy, oil prices, stimulus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Soon Jews the world over will celebrate the Passover holiday by asking at the ceremonial dinner (seder) “Why is this night different from all other nights?” (The answer is easily Google-able.)

Today, those the world over who follow the economy should ask “Why is this morning’s U.S. consumer inflation report different from all other recent U.S. inflation reports?”

The answer? Because this morning’s report (which takes the story through February) won’t be the biggest development looked at by the Federal Reserve in its upcoming meeting when it decides where it will set the interest rates it controls.

Instead, the biggest development it considers will be the turmoil that’s been breaking out these last few days in the U.S. banking system, whose proximate cause has been the blazing pace with which the Fed has been raising the federal funds rate over the past year.

Not that the new figures for the Consumer Price Index (CPI) will be ignored. In fact, they were probably unspectacular enough (either in a good or bad way), to convince the central bank to either slow down the pace of rate hikes or to pause them altogether, for fear of igniting a devastating financial chaos. But were they really so so-so? Not the way I see it.

Indeed, the data made clear that U.S. prices remain way too high, and are rising way too fast, to please any reasonable person. And that’s true either when it comes to the headline inflation results, or to their “core” counterparts – which strip out food and energy prices supposedly because they’re volatile for reasons having almost nothing to do with the economy’s underlying vulnerability to inflation.

The monthly February headline figure came in at 0.37 percent – below the 0.52 percent recorded in February (and the worst sequential result since last June’s 1.19 percent), but still bad enough to push prices up by nearly 4.50 percent at an annual rate if it continues for a year. And price increases that strong would be more than twice the Fed’s yearly target of two percent – creating a situation that no consumers will enjoy.

Speaking of annual headline CPI, its actual rate as of February was 5.98 percent – a good deal lower January’s 6.35 percent and the best such figure since September, 2021’s 5.38 percent.

But as known by RealityChek regulars, here’s where some baseline analysis is needed. That is, it’s crucial to see whether these annual figures are following those for the previous year that were unusually low or unusually high. If the former, then a yearly inflation rate that may look lofty at first glance might just represent one-time catch up – a reversion to a long-term average from a weak anomalous read.

In fact, in my view (and that of the Fed and the Biden administration), it was catch up that generated the rapid price hikes of the early part of this current high inflation period. The main reason was a rebound from price stagnation attributable mainly to the arrival of the CCP Virus and all the havoc it wreaked on the economy generally and especially on the service sector that makes up most of it by far. So I agreed with then conventional wisdom that at that point, worrisome inflation was “transitory.” (See, e.g., here.)

After early 2021, however, circumstances changed dramatically. Of course the Russian invasion of Ukraine last February drove up gasoline prices – though they’d been rising strongly since the recovery from the devastating first coronavirus-induced economic slump and took another big leg up in late 2020. (See this chart.)

More important was the Biden administration’s continuation of emergency-type stimulus spending well after the pandemic emergency had peaked and a strong economic recovery was underway. The American Rescue Plan Act and other boosts in government spending ensured that consumers at all income levels would long be abnormally cash- and income-rich, and that their resulting spending would give businesses generally a new jolt of pricing power.

And for many months, the changes in the baselines for annual headline and core inflation have strongly supported that case that inflation has become more entrenched.

In this vein, the allegedly encouraging annual 5.98 percent inflation rate for February shouldn’t be seen in isolation. What also matters is that it followed a 2021-22 baseline figure of a scorching 7.95 percent. That’s a clear sign of business’ continued confidence in its pricing power. The baseline figure for that September, 2021 5.38 percent inflation rate was just 1.63 percent – well below the Fed target and a number that points to an economy that was still being held back largely because of a seasonal CCP Virus rebound.

Core CPI paints a bleaker picture even without examining the baseline effect. On a monthly basis, it rose for the third straight time, and the new figure of 0.45 percent was the highest since last September’s 0.57 percent.

As for the annual increase, that registered 5.53 percent. That was a tad lower than January’s 5.55 percent and the best such result since December, 2021’s 5.52 percent. But the baseline for the new February figure is 6.43 percent – considerably higher than the 6.43 percent for Januay. So that’s a powerful argument for a worsening, not improving, core CPI performance. And the case seems to be clinched that the baseline figure for that December, 2021 core inflation rate was a feeble 1.63 percent – well below the Fed headline CPI target.

Even before the February CPI report, I believed that inflation would keep heating up because most consumers still have plenty of cash (and therefore, don’t forget, credit), and because a combination of slowing growth (which, to be fair, we haven’t seen yet), and an approaching election cycle would keep politicians tempted to keep spending levels high in order to prop up the economy and keep voters happy. Moreover, I’ve never bought the argument that the Fed would keep fighting inflation vigorously enough to tighten monetary policy enough to cut growth rates dramatically – much less risk a recession – going into the high political season.

Now with banking system troubles added to the mix, the idea that continued strong interest rate hikes seems completely fanciful – along with any realistic hopes that inflation will soon fall back to acceptable levels.

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(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Deceptively Calm January for U.S. Trade?

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Advanced Technology Products, ATP, Biden, Buy American, Canada, CCP Virus, China, Donald Trump, European Union, exports, Federal Reserve, goods trade, imports, India, Inflation Reduction Act, infrastructure, Japan, Made in Washington trade flows, manufacturing, monetary policy, non-oil goods trade, semiconductors, services trade, stimulus, Taiwan, tariffs, Trade, trade deficit, Ukraine War, Zero Covid, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Pretty calm on the surface, pretty turbulent underneath. That’s a good way to look at yesterday’s official release of the U.S. trade figures for January. Many of the broadest trade balance figures moved little from their December levels, but the details revealed many multi-month and even multi-year highs, lows, and changes – along with one all-time high (the goods deficit with India).

The combined goods and services deficit most strongly conveyed the impression of relatively calm trade waters. It rose sequentially for the second straight month, but only by 1.61 percent, from a downwardly revised $67.21 billion to $68.29 billion.

The trade shortfall in goods narrowed, but by even less – 0.69 percent, from an upwardly revised $90.71 billion to $90.09 billion.

More volatility was displayed by the services trade surplus. It sank for the first time in two months, from upwardly revised $23.50 billion (its highest monthly total since December, 2019’s $24.56 billion – just before the CCP Virs’ arrival stateside) to $21.80 billion. Moreover, this shrinkage (7.26 percent) was the greatest since last May’s 11.05 percent.

Meanwhile, total U.S. exports in January expanded sequentially for the first time since August. And the the 3.41 percent rise, from a downwardly revised $249.00 billion to $257.50 billion was the biggest since April’s 3.62 percent.

Goods exports in January also registered their first monthly increase since August, with the 6.02 percent improvement (from a downwardly revised $167.69 billion to $177.79 billion) the biggest since October, 2021’s 9.09 percent.

Services exports dipped on month in January, from a downwardly revised $81.32 billion to $79.71 billion. And the 1.98 percent decrease was the biggest since last January’s 3.05 percent. But the December total was the highest on record, and the seventh straight all-time high over the preceding nine months, so January could be a mere bump in the services export recovery road.

On the import side, total U.S. purchases from abroad advanced for the second straight month in January, with the 3.03 percent increase (from a downwardly revised $316.21 billion to $325.79 billion standing as the biggest since last March’s 9.64 percent.

Goods imports were up, too – from a downwardly revised $258.40 billion to $267.88 billion. The climb was the second straight, too, and its 3.67 percent growth rate also the biggest since March (11.00 percent).

Services imports in January were up for the first time since September, but by a mere 0.17 percent, from a downwardly revised $57.81 billlion to $57.91 billion.

Also changing minimally in January – the non-oil goods deficit (which RealityChek regulars know can be considered the Made in Washington trade deficit, since non-oil goods are the trade flows most heavily influenced by U.S. trade agreements and other trade policy decision. The 0.32 percent month-to-month decline brought this trade shortfall from $91.97 billion to $91.68 billion.

Since Made in Washington trade is the closest global proxy to U.S.-China goods trade, comparing trends in the two can indicate the effectiveness of the Trump-Biden China tariffs, which cover hundreds of billions of dollars worth of Chinese products aimed at the U.S. maket.

In January, the huge, longstanding U.S. goods trade gap with China widened by 7.01 percent, from $23.51 billion to $25.16 billion. That third straight increase contrasts sharply with the small dip in the non-oil goods deficit – apparently strengthening the China tariffs critics’ case.

Yet on a January-January basis, the China deficit is down much more (30.82 percent) than its non-oil goods counterpart (14.07 percent). The discrepancy, moreover, looks too great to explain simply by citing China’s insanely over-the-top and economy-crushing Zero Covid policies. So the tariffs look to be significantly curbing U.S. China goods trade, too.

U.S. goods exports to China fell for the third straight month in January – by 5.05 percent, from $13.79 billion to $13.09 billion.

America’s goods imports from China increased in January for the second straight month – by 2.55 percent, from $37.30 billion to $38.25 billion.

Revealingly, however, on that longer-term January-to-January basis, these purchases are off by 20.50 percent (from $47.85 billion). The non-oil goods import figure has actually inched up by just 0.71 percent – which also strengthens the China tariffs case.

The even larger, and also longstanding, manufacturing trade deficit resumed worsened in January, rising for the first time in three months. The 2.83 percent sequential increase brought the figure from $113.61 billion – the lowest figure, though, since last February’s $106.49 billion.

Manufacturing exports declined by 3.01 percent, from $105.71 billion to $102.52 billion – the weakest such performance since last February’s $94.55 billion.

The much greater value of manufacturing imports rose fractionally, from $219.31 billlion to $219.36 billion – also near the lows of the past year.

In advanced technology products (ATP), the trade gap narrowed by 11.36 percent in January, from $18.45 billion to $16.35 billion. The contraction was the third in a row, and pushed this deficit down to its lowest level since last February’s $13.42 billion.

ATP exports were down 8.78 percent, from $35.16 billion to $32.07 billion – their lowest level since last May’s $31.25 billion. And ATP imports sank by 9.68 percent, from $53.60 billion to a $48.42 billion total that was the smallest since last February’s $42.44 billion.

Big January moves took place in U.S. goods trade with major foreign economies, though much of this commerce often varies wildly from month to month.

The goods deficit with Canada, America’s biggest trade partner, jumped by 39.02 percent on month in January, from $5.09 billion to $7.07 billion. The increase was the second straight, the new total the highest since last July’s $8.47 billion, and the growth rate the fastest since last March’s 47.61 percent.

But the goods shortfall with the European Union decreased by 10.83 percent, from $18.36 billion to $16.37 billion. The drop was the third straight, the new total the lowet since last September’s $14.44 billion, and the shrinkage the fastest since last July’s 19.97 percent.

For volatility, it’s tough to beat U.S. goods trade with Switzerland. In January, the deficit plummeted 42.07 percent, from $2.28 billion to $1.32 billion. But that nosedive followed a 77.84 percent surge in December and one of nearly 1,200 percent in November (from a $99.9 million level that was the lowest since May, 2014’s $45.3 million).

Also dramatically up and down have been the goods trade shortfalls with Japan and Taiwan. For the former, the deficit plunged by 30.33 percent in January – from $7.09 billion to $4.94 billion. But that drop followed a 20.58 percent increase in December to the highest level since April, 2019’s $7.35 billion.

The Taiwan goods deficit soared by 52.44 percent in January, from $2.80 billion to $3.68 billion. But this rise followed a 33.65 percent December drop that was the biggest since the 43.18 percent of February, 2020 – when the CCP Virus was shutting down the economy of China, a key link of the supply chains of many of the island’s export-oriented manufacturers.

Finally, the goods deficit with India skyrocketed by 106.55 percent in January, from $2.41 billion to that record $4.99 billion. That total surpassed the $4.44 billion shortfall the United States ran up with India last May, but the more-than-doubling was far from a record growth rate. That was achieved with a 146.76 percent burst in July, 2019.

Since the widely forecast upcoming U.S. recession seems likely to arrive later this year (assuming it arrives at all) than originally forecast, the trade deficit seems likely to continue increasing, too. But that outcome isn’t inevitable, as shown by the deficit’s shrinkage in the second half of last year, when America’s economic growth rebounded from a shallow recession.

The number of major wildcards out there remains sobering, too, ranging from the path of U.S. inflation and consequent Federal Reserve efforts to fight it by cooling off the economy, to levels of net government spending increases (including at state and local levels), to the strength or weakness of the U.S. dollar, to the pace of China’s economic reopening, to the course of the Ukraine War. 

On balance, though, I’ll stick with my deficit-increasing forecast, since (1) I’m still convinced that the approach of the next presidential election cycle will prevent any major Washington actors from taking any steps remotely likely to curb Americans’ borrowing and spending power significantly for very long; and (2) I’m skeptical that even the strong-sounding Buy American measures  instituted by the Biden administration (mainly in recently approved infrastructure programs and semiconductor industry revival plans, and in the green energy subsidies in the Inflation Reduction Act) will enable much more substitution of domestic manufactures for imports – least in the foreseeable future.          

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Worker Pay Keeps Lagging, Not Leading, U.S. Inflation

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benefits, core services, cost of living, ECI, Employment Cost Index, Federal Reserve, inflation, Jerome Powell, Labor Department, private sector, services, stimulus, wages, workers, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The Federal Reserve, the agency with the U.S. government’s main inflation-fighting responsibilities, has made clear that it’s paying special attention to worker pay to figure out whether it’s getting living costs under control or not, and that its favored measure of pay is the Labor Department’s Employment Cost Index (ECI).

Therefore, it’s genuinely important that the new ECI (for the fourth quarter of last year) came out this morning. Even more important, the results undercut the widespread beliefs (especially by Fed leaders) both that worker compensation has been a driving force behind the inflation America has experienced so far, and/or has great potential to keep it raging.

Consequently, the new numbers seem likely to influence greatly the big choice before the Fed. Will it keep trying to raise the cost of borrowing for consumers and businesses alike in the hope of slowing spending enough to cool inflation even at the risk of producing a recession? Or will it decide that it’s made enough inflation progress already, and can tolerate current levels of economic growth – which the latest data tell us are pretty good) rather than stepping on the brakes harder.

The central bank likes the ECI better than the hourly and weekly also put out by Labor for two main reasons. First, it measures salaries and non-cash benefits, too. And second, it takes into account what economists call compositional effects.

That is, the standard wage figures report hourly and weekly pay for specific sectors of the economy, but they don’t say anything about labor costs for businesses for the same jobs over time. The ECI tries to achieve this aim by stripping out the way that the makeup of employment between industries can change, and the way that the makeup of jobs within industries can change (e.g., from a majority of lower wage occupations to one of higher wage occupations).

According to the new ECI report, when you adjust for the cost of living, “private wages and salaries declined 1.2 percent for the 12 months ending December 2022” and “ Inflation-adjusted benefit costs in the private sector declined 1.5 percent over that same period.”

So for the last year, total compensation has risen more slowly, rather than faster, than inflation, That’s not the kind of fuel I’d want in my vehicle or home. (As known by RealityChek regulars, private sector trends are the ones that count because compensation levels there are set largely by market forces, rather than mainly by politicians’ decisions, as is the case for public sector workers.)

Blame-the-workers (or their bosses) types can argue that since late 2021, compensation has caught up some with inflation rates. Specifically, from December, 2020 through December, 2021, it had fallen in after-inflation terms by 2.5 percent. Between the next two Decembers, it had dropped by less than half that rate – 1.2 percent.

But it was still down – and this during a period when private business claimed it was frantic trying to fill unprecedented numbers of job openings in absolute terms.

Moreover, the new ECI release contained signs that even this modest compensation catch up could soon reverse itself. Between the first quarter of last year and the fourth, in pre-inflation terms, the total compensation increase weakened from 1.4 percent to one percent even. And for what it’s worth, both economists and CEOs still judge that the odds of a recession this year are well over 50 percent.

Fed Chair Jerome Powell has also expressed concerns about wage trends in what he calls the core service sector, because, as he put it at the end of last November:

“This is the largest of our three categories, constituting more than half of the core PCE index.[the Fed’s preferred gauge of prices]. Thus, this may be the most important category for understanding the future evolution of core inflation. Because wages make up the largest cost in delivering these services, the labor market holds the key to understanding inflation in this category.”

The ECI releases don’t contain figures for this group, but if you look at total compensation for private service sector workers, it’s tough to see how they’ve been en fuego lately, either. Between the first and fourth quarter of last year, their rate of increase dropped by the exact same rate as that for the private sector overall. And although most economic growth forecasts lately have been far too pessimistic, almost no one seems to expect the current expansion to strengthen.

And if workers haven’t been able to reap a major inflation-adjusted compensation bonanza in the conditions that have prevailed for the last few months, or during earlier strong growth bursts since the CCP Virus struck the United States in force, when will they?

I remain concerned that living costs could remain worrisomely high – though not that they’ll rocket up again – because consumers still have lots of spending power, which will keep giving businesses lots of pricing power. But that’s not because Americans’ pay has exploded. It’s because government stimulus has been so mammoth in recent years, and could well stay unnaturally high.

Further, since such government spending is politically popular – and will remain more tempting for politicians to approve as the next election cycle approaches – my foreseeable-future forecast for the U.S. economy remains stagflation.  In other words, growth will be rather stagnant, and inflation will stay way too high.  And as the new ECI release suggests, workers could be left further behind the living cost eight ball than ever.       

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Signs of the Wrong Kind of Inflation Progress

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baseline effect, Biden administration, core PPI, cost of living, energy prices, Federal Reserve, food prices, inflation, PPI, Producer Price Index, producer prices, recession, SPR, stimulus, Strategic Petroleum Reserve, wholesale inflation, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Yesterday’s official U.S. report on wholesale price inflation (for December) finally contained some modest signs of genuine cooling, but that’s not necessarily good news. The biggest reason seems to be a significant slowing in the nation’s economic growth and further confirmation that America remains far from creating a truly healthy economy – one that can expand adequately without either racking up towering debts or, more recently, igniting decades-high price increases.

As I’ve written previously, changes in this Producer Price Index (PPI) influence changes in consumer prices, but the relationship is more complex than often thought. Because wholesale prices represent costs for producing the goods and services that businesses sell to each other and to consumers, companies understandably try to pass increases on to their final customers – but can’t always do so.

That’s because the final result depends on these customers’ buying power. If they’ve got lots of it, chances are they’ll pay up, enabling businesses to preserve and even boost profits. If they don’t, they won’t, and margins will suffer with one big caveat – the ability of the sellers to become more efficient, and generate cost-savings elsewhere.

At the same time, if final customers feel flush with cash and/or credit, the businesses that supply them won’t necessarily, or even often, cut their selling prices if their costs decrease or stabilize. Why should they? With certain exceptions (like a prioritizing gaining market share), they’ll naturally charge whatever their customers seem willing to pay. 

And because some major signs of mounting economy-wide weakness have appeared recently (especially falling consumer spending), that new evidence of softer wholesale prices seems to add to the evidence that a recession of some kind is looming.

The best wholesale inflation news came in the new monthly numbers. The headline figure actually fell by 0.50 percent between November and December. That’s the most encouraging such result since this PPI dropped 1.29 percent sequentially in April, 2020 – when the CCP Virus’ first wave plunged the economy into a short but steep slump.

The core figure (which strips out food, energy, and a category called trade services, supposedly because they’re volatile for reasons largely unrelated to the economy’s fundamental vulnerability to inflation), did rise month-to-month, but only by a tiny 0.09 percent. That was the best such result since a fractionally lower figure in November, 2020.

Almost as good, the revisions for both for recent months didn’t meaningfully change this picture – though they do remind that PPI data can change non-trivially during the several months when they’re still considered preliminary.

The annual headline and core PPI figures did exhibit something of the baseline effect that always should be kept in mind when evaluating economic trends. That is, it’s essential to know whether improvements of worsening of data merely represent returns to a longer-term norm after stretches of abnomality. In the case of post-CCP Virus inflation readings, the big spike in price increases that began in early 2021 largely reflected a (ragged) normalization of economic activity and business pricing power that followed many months in 2020 when both were unusually subdued.

But for both measures of wholesale prices, the baseline effect appeared to be fading. For headline PPI, the December annual increase was 6.22 percent – the best such result since March, 2021’s 4.06 percent, and a big decline from November’s downwardly revised 7.34 percent. The baseline figure (headline annual PPI from December, 2020 through December, 2021) was a terrible 10.18 percent. But it was only slightly higher than its November counterpart of 9.94 percent.

Since the scariest aspect of inflation is its tendency to feed on itself, and keep spiraling higher, that feeble increase in the baseline figure over the last two months could well signal a loss of momentum. 

The annual core PPI statistics tell an almost identical story. The latest annual December increase of 4.58 percent was considerably lower than November’s upwardly revised 4.91 percent, and the best such result since May, 2021’s 5.25 percent. But the December baseline increase of 7.09 percent was barely faster than November’s 7.03 percent.

At the same time, the same kinds of big questions that hang over the consumer inflation figure hang over the wholesale inflation figure. For example, the annual increase in wholesale energy prices nosedived last year from 57.05 percent in June to just 8.58 percent in December. On a monthly basis, they’ve plummeted in absolute terms since June by 21.18 percent.

But these impressive results stemmed mainly from historically large releases of oil from the nation’s Strategic Petroleum Reserve (which of course expanded supply) and the Chinese economic growth that was severely depressed by dictator Xi Jinping’s wildly over-the-top Zero Covid policy. and therefore dampened global oil demand enough to affect prices in the United States.

The petroleum reserve, however, is now down to its lowest level in 39 years, which explains why far from contemplating further sales, the Biden administration is now slowly starting to refill it. Morever, China has now decided (for now) to reopen its economy, which will again put upward pressure on energy prices.

In addition, one lesson that Americans should have learned from this latest spell of inflationis that wages and other forms of income (including investment income) are hardly the only sources of consumer buying power. The government can supply oceans of it, too, and as I wrote yesterday, it’s entirely possible that U.S. politicians and Federal Reserve officials become recession-phobic that they decide to subsidize Americans’ buying power again. Hence my medium-term forecast of stagflation – a stretch of uncomfortably low growth and stubbornly high prices. 

That’s certainly better than a future of continually rising inflation. But anyone describing the current and likely economic situation facing Americans as “good” is using a depressingly low bar.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Why the Really Tight U.S. Job Market Isn’t Propping Up Much Inflation

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CCP Virus, consumer spending, consumers, coronavirus, cost of living, COVID 19, Federal Reserve, headline PCE, inflation, inflation-adjusted wages, interest rates, Jerome Powell, monetary policy, PCE, personal consumption expenditures index, prices, recession, stagflation, stimulus, wages, {What's Left of) Our Economy

It’s been widely assumed that even though very tight U.S. labor markets haven’t yet touched off the kind of wage-price spiral that can supercharge inflation, they’ve been helping consumers offset the effects of rapidly rising prices – and therefore helping to keep living costs worrisomely high.

The intertwined reasons? Because even though when adjusted for inflation, wages generally have been falling since price increases took off in early 2021, rock-bottom unemployment rates and the wage hikes that have been received have enabled healthy consumer spending – and given business unusual pricing power.

Most important, this is what the Federal Reserve believes, and it’s the federal government institution with the prime responsibility for fighting inflation. According to Chair Jerome Powell, “demand for workers far exceeds the supply of available workers, and nominal wages have been growing at a pace well above what would be consistent with 2 percent inflation over time.”

For good measure, Powell said that the labor market “holds the key to understanding inflation” especially in U.S. services industries other than housing, which make up more than half of the set of inflation data favored by the Fed, and where “wages make up the largest cost.”

How come, then, when you look at the wage data put out by the federal government, it’s so hard to find evidence that recent wage levels have significantly bolstered U.S. workers’ spending power during this current high inflation period?

Given the Fed’s power, it makes sense to use the inflation measure it values most – which as RealityChek regulars know is the Personal Consumption Expenditures (PCE) Price Index. As the Fed prefers, we’ll focus on the “headline” gauge, which includes the food and energy prices that are stripped out of a different (“core”) reading supposedly because they’re volatile for reasons having nothing to do with the economy’s underlying prone-ess to inflation.

And for the best measure of the wages workers are taking home, we’ll use weekly wages. What they show is that since the headline PCE rate first breached the central bank’s two percent target, in March, 2021, inflation-adjusted weekly pay (as opposed to the pre-inflation wages Powell oddly emphasizes) is actually down – by 4.60 percent. For production and non-supervisory workers (call them “blue collar” workers for convenience’s sake), real weekly wages were off by a more modest but still non-trivial 3.52 percent.

And this has propped up American consumer spending exactly how?

The Fed actually looks more closely at a wider official measure of compensation than the wage figures. It’s called the Employment Cost Index (ECI) and it takes into account salaries as well as wages, along with non-wage benefits. The ECI only comes out quarterly, and the next one, for the fourth quarter,of last year, won’t be out till January 31. But from the second quarter of 2021 (roughly when headline annual PCE inflation rose higher than that two percent Fed target) through the end of the third quarter of 2022, the ECI for private sector workers) also dropped in after-inflation terms – by 2.39 percent.

But if American workers’ pay isn’t doing much to power their still-strong consumption, what is? Obviously, the answer is mainly the excess savings piled up thanks to pandemic stimulus programs and government measures aimed at…compensating them for high inflation.

When it comes to fighting inflation, there’s good news stemming from the status of these enormous amounts of cash injected into American bank accounts: They’re being run down significantly or are just about gone for everyone except the wealthy. That no doubt explains much of the recent evidence of the cooling of the white hot levels of consumer demand that filled so many businesses with confidence that they could jack up prices dramatically are cooling, and why headline PCE is showing some signs of ebbing.

The bad news remains what it always has – that meaningfully reduced consumer spending, combined with the Fed’s continued stated determination to keep increasing the price of the borrowing that spurs so much spending, could trigger more unemployment, even worse wage trends, and a possibly painful recession.

Yet as I wrote in that above-linked RealityChek post, the $64,000 questions that will determine inflation’s fate remains unanswered: Will recession fears lead the Fed to chicken out, and at least pause its inflation-fighting interest rate increases? And will Congress and the Executive Branch decide to ride to the rescue as well, with new politically popular stimulus programs – which are likely to stimulate inflation, too?  My answer remains a pretty confident “Yes,” which is why my forecast for the economy calls for a short, fairly shallow downturn followed by a significant stretch of “stagflation” – sluggish growth and above-Fed-target inflation.   

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Why the U.S. Inflation Outlook Just Got Even Cloudier

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CCP Virus, China, consumer price index, consumers, core CPI, coronavirus, cost of living, COVID 19, CPI, energy prices, Federal Reserve, food prices, inflation, Jerome Powell, prices, recession, stagflation, stimulus, supply chains, Ukraine War, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

If the big U.S. stock indices didn’t react enthusiastically to yesterday’s official American inflation figures (which were insensitively released the very day I had a minor medical procedure), that’s because they were too mixed to signal that consumer prices were finally being brought under control.

Lately, good news on inflation-fighting has been seen as good news for stock investors because it indicates that the Federal Reserve may at least pause its campaign to hike interest rates in order to slow economic growth significantly– and even trigger a recession. That’s because a weaker economy means consumers will have less money to spend and that businesses therefore will find it much harder to keep raising prices, and even to maintain prices at currently lofty levels. And all else equal, companies’ profits would take a hit.

So already softening inflation could convince the central bank that its efforts to date have been good enough, and that its goal of restoring price stability can be achieved without encouraging further belt tightening – and more downward pressure on business bottom lines.

Of course, stock investors aren’t always right about economic data. But their take on yesterday’s figures for the Consumer Price Index (CPI), which cover December. seems on target.

The data definitely contained encouraging news. Principally, on a monthly basis, the overall (“headline”) CPI number showed that prices actually fell in December – by 0.08 percent. That’s not much, but this result marks the first such drop since July’s 0.02 percent, and the biggest sequential decline since the 0.92 percent plunge recorded in April, 2020, when the economy was literally cratering during the CCP Virus’ devastating first wave. Further, this latest decrease followed a very modest 0.10 percent monthly increase in November.

So maybe inflation is showing some genuine signs of faltering momentum? Maybe. But maybe not. For example, that CPI sequential slip in July was followed by three straight monthly increases that ended with a heated 0.44 percent in October.

Moreover, core CPI accelerated month-to-month in December. That’s the inflation gauge that strips out food and energy prices because they’re supposedly volatile for reasons having little or nothing to do with the economy’s underlying inflation prone-ness.

December’s sequential core CPI rise was 0.30 percent – one of the more sluggish figures of the calendar year, but a rate faster than a November number of 0.27 percent that was revised up from 0.20 percent. Therefore, these last two results could signal more inflation momentum, not less.

In addition, as always, the annual headline and core CPI numbers need to be viewed in light of the baseline effect – the extent to which statistical results reflect abnormally low or high numbers for the previous comparable period that may simply stem from a catch-up trend that’s restoring a long-term norm.

Many of the multi-decade strong year-to-year headline and core inflation rates of 2021 came after the unusually weak yearly results that stemmed from the short but devastating downturn caused by that first CCP Virus wave. Consequently, I was among those (including the Fed) believing that such price rises were “transitory,” and that they would fade away as that particular baseline effect disappeared.

But as I’ve posted (e.g., last month), that fade has been underway for months, and annual inflation remains powerful and indeed way above the Fed’s two percent target. The main explanations as I see it? The still enormous spending power enjoyed by consumers due to all the pandemic relief and economic stimulus approved in recent years, and other continued and even new major government outlays that have put more money into their pockets (as listed toward the end of this column).

(A big hiring rebound since the economy’s pandemic-induced nadir and rock-bottom recent headline unemployment rates have helped, too. But as I’ll explain in an upcoming post, the effects are getting more credit than they deserve.)

And when you look at the baselines for the new headline and core CPI annual increases, it should become clear that after having caught up from the CCP Virus-induced slump, businesses still believe they have plenty of pricing power left, which suggests at the least that inflation will stay high.

Again, here the inflation story is better for the annual headline figure than for the core figure. In December, the former fell from November’s 7.12 percent to 6.42 percent – the best such number since the 6.24 percent of October, 2021, and the sixth straight weakening. The baseline 2020-2021 headline inflation rate for December was higher than that for November (6.83 percent versus 7.10 percent), and had sped up for four consecutive months. But that November-December 2020-2021 increase was more modest than the latest November-December 2021-2022 decrease, which indicates some progress here.

At the same time, don’t forget that the 6.24 percent annual headline CPI inflation of October, 2020-2021 had a 2019-2020 baseline of just 1.18 percent. Hence my argument that businesses today remain confident about their pricing power even though they’ve made up for their pandemic year weakness in spades.

In December, annual core inflation came down from 5.96 percent to 5.69 percent. That was the most sluggish pace since December, 2020-2021’s 5.48 percent, but just the third straight weakening. But the increase in the baseline number from November to December, 2021 was from 4.59 percent to that 5.48 percent – bigger than the latest November-December decrease. In other words, this trend for core CPI is now running opposite it encouraging counterpart for headline CPI.

Finally, as far as baseline arguments go, that 5.48 percent December, 2021 annual core CPI increase followed a baseline figure the previous year of a mere 1.28 percent. Since the new annual December rate of 5.69 percent comes on top of a rate more than four times higher, that’s another sign of continued business pricing confidence.

But the inflation forecast is still dominated by the question of how much economic growth will sink, and how the Fed in particular will react. And the future looks more confusing than ever.

The evidence for considerably feebler expansion, and even an impending recession, is being widely cited. Indeed, as this Forbes poster has reported, “The Federal Reserve Bank of Philadelphia’s Survey of Professional Forecasters indicates the highest probability of a recession over the next 12 months in the survey’s 55-year history.”

If they’re right, inflation may keep cooling modestly for a time but still remain worrisomely warm. And the Fed may react either by keeping interest rates lofty for longer than expected – as Chair Jerome Powell has already said – or even raise them faster. 

Nonetheless, although the recession that did take place during the first and second quarters of last year convinced numerous observers that worse was yet to come, the third quarter saw a nice bounceback and the fourth quarter could be even better. So if a downturn is coming, it will mean that economic activity will need to shrink very abruptly. Hardly impossible, but hardly a sure thing.

And if some form of economic nosedive does occur, it could prompt the Fed to hold off or even reverse course to some extent, even if price increases remain non-trivial. A major worsening of the economy may also lead Congress and the Biden administration to join the fray and approve still more stimulus to cushion the blow.

Complicating matters all the while – the kind of monetary stimulus added or taken away by the central bank takes months to ripple through the economy, as the Fed keeps emphasizing.  Some of the kinds of fiscal stimulus, like the pandemic-era checks, work faster, but others, like the infrastructure bill and the huge new subsidies for domestic semiconductor manufacturing will take much longer.

Additionally, some of the big drivers of the recent inflation are even less controllable by Washington and more unpredictable than the immense U.S. economy – like the Ukraine War’s impact on the prices of energy and other commodities, including foodstuffs, and the wild recent swings of a range of Chinese government policies that keep roiling global and domestic supply chains. 

My own outlook? It’s for a pretty shallow, short recession followed by a comparably moderate recovery and all accompanied by price levels with which most Americans will keep struggling. Back in the 1970s, it was called “stagflation,” I’m old enough to remember that’s an outcome that no one should welcome, and it will mean that the country remains as far from achieving robust, non-inflationary growth as ever.  

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: And Now, Holiday Shopping Uncertainty

Tags

Black Friday, CCP Virus, consumers, coronavirus, COVID 19, DeLoitte Insights, Federal Reserve, holiday shopping, inflation, Jeanna Smialek, stimulus, The New York Times, Vera Gibbons, Yahoo Finance, {What's Left of) Our Economy

So here I am watching the Michigan-Ohio State football game, not really planning to post anything today, but surfing around on the web anyway, and what do I come across? A Yahoo Finance report from yesterday presenting a decidedy upbeat picture of the new holiday shopping season – whose ultimate results will go pretty far toward influencing the final state of the U.S. economy during these inflationary times, and especially of lower-income consumers, who tend to get hit hardest by high inflation. (See, e.g., here.)

This post was noteworthy because it bucked that last piece of conventional wisdom. Indeed, veteran personal finance journalist Vera Gibbons emphasized the finding from one major consultancy that “We’re seeing greater participation among lower-income households (those who earn less than $50,000 per year).

They’ve “settled into the ‘new normal,’” this analyst from Deloitte Insights told her “and are feeling more stable — and hopeful — given wage growth.” “They’re going to jump in and spend,” he declared.

And he had some numbers to back up his prediction, saying that (in Gibbons words) “this group of shoppers plan to spend an average of $671 this holiday season. That’s 25% more than last year. On the flip side, high-income earners (those who make more than $100,000 per year) plan to cut back by 7%, bringing their spending down to an average of $2,438.”

But this assessment left my head spinning not just because of its clash with the conventional wisdom. It also drew exactly the opposite picture that appeared in a New York Times article from the very same day. The header should explain why: “This Holiday Season, the Poor Buckle Under Inflation as the Rich Spend.”

Specifically, correspondent Jeanna Smialek spotlighted Federal Reserve data (which I described more generally here) showing that

“after 18 months of rapid price inflation — some of which was driven by stimulus-fueled demand — the poor are depleting those cushions. American families were still sitting on about $1.7 trillion in excess savings — extra savings accumulated during the pandemic — by the middle of this year, based on Fed estimates, but about $1.35 trillion of it was held by the top half of earners and just $350 billion in the bottom half.”

Also showing that poorer Americans are feeling an especially tight inflationary squeeze:

“Credit card data from Bank of America suggest that high- and middle-income households have replaced lower-income households in driving consumption growth in recent months. Poorer shoppers contributed one-fifth of the growth in discretionary spending in October, compared with around two-fifths a year earlier.”

And don’t expect the confusing reports on holiday shopping or the low-income consumer to stop any time soon. As noted in this post, “preliminary Black Friday reports contain almost no useful information about the state of the economy” and “early Black Friday sales figures are at best unreliable and at worst completely useless [even] for predicting overall holiday sales.”

Keep in mind, moreover: That last post was written in 2015 – well before the CCP Virus pandemic, the sharp economic downturn and blazing recovery that followed, and gargantuan stimulus programs began turning the U.S. economy into a $20-some-odd trillion mass of conflicting signals and developments.  As a result, all that seems certain going forward about the economy is that along with peak inflation uncertainty and recession uncertainty, for the time being we’ll have to deal with holiday shopping season uncertainty as well. 

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Trade Leads to Resumed and Healthier U.S. Growth

Tags

consumers, expansion, exports, Federal Reserve, GDP, goods trade, gross domestic product, imports, real GDP, real trade deficit, recession, services trade, stimulus, trade deficit, {What's Left of) Our Economy

You couldn’t ask for a better official first read on American trade flows and U.S. economic growth for the third quarter of this year than the one that came out on Thursday – unless you’re into making unreasonable requests.

On top of that report on the gross domestic product (GDP – the leading measure of the economy’s size) showing a return to expansion that ended the recession that marked the first half of the year; and on top of the trade deficit shrinking for the second straight quarter (a first since the third and fourth quarters of 2019), the trade gap shrank in the best possible way, for the best possible reason.

Here’s why. The new GDP figures (which will be revised twice more in the next two months, as is the case for every such release) estimated that the nation’s output of goods and services rose in inflation-adjusted terms (the measure most closely followed) by a solid 2.54 percent at annual rates.

And as real GDP climbed, the after-inflation trade deficit decreased from $1.4305 trillion annualized to $1.2740 trillion. That’s important because there’s nothing unusual about the trade shortfall declining when the economy contracts. In fact, that’s often the case. After all, a slumping economy pulls in fewer imports. But a smaller trade deficit during a quarter of growth? That’s unusual, and genuinely exciting, since it means that the growth has been healthy and, all else equal, sustainable – driven by production and not consumption.

Better yet, improvement was registered on both sides of the trade ledger, with exports up and imports down. The export progress was especially impressive, given that selling U.S.-origin goods and services abroad should be getting harder because of an economic slowdown in most of the rest of the world, and the surging U.S. dollar – which reduces their price competitiveness abroad (and at home, for that matter, too).

The third quarter constant dollar trade deficit hit its lowest level since the third quarter of last year ($1.2675 trillion annualized), and the consecutive declines were the first since the stretch between the fourth quarter of 2019 and the second quarter of 2020 – that’s of course when the CCP Virus began ripping through the nation and triggering a short but deep economic slump.

In addition, this latest sequential narrowing of the price-adjusted trade gap was the biggest in relative terms (10.94 percent) since the second quarter of 2009, when the economy was still mired in the Great Recession produced by Global Financial Crisis.

As a result, the real trade deficit as a share of constant dollar GDP sank to 6.36 percent – its lowest level since the second quarter of 2021 (6.16 percent). And the drop in this ratio from the 7.19 percent it reached in the previous quarter (11.54 percent) was the biggest also since the second quarter of 2009 (17.89 percent).

Trade’s contribution to third quarter growth was noteworthy as well. By generating 2.77 percentage points to the total quarterly after-inflation GDP increase of 2.54 percent annualized, it bolstered the economy by the greatest amount in absolute terms since the second quarter of 1980 – when it increased constant dollar GDP by 3.99 percentage points during a stretch when the economy shrunk overall by 5.48 percent at an annual rate. (As with any element of GDP, the trade contribution can be greater than the overall growth rate when other elements decrease.) 

Another way to look at this development:  All else equal, without this trade boost to growth, the economy would have shriveled by 0.23 percent at annual rates in the third quarter, and by the most influential measure, the recession would still be on.  

But again, it’s pretty standard for the trade to support growth during a contraction. Therefore, it’s also worth observing that its latest role during an expansion quarter was the biggest since the third quarter of 1980, when it added 2.96 percentage points to that period’s 2.66 percent annualized rebound.

Nonetheless, this trade contribution to growth was far from the biggest on record in relative terms. (This statistical series reports quarterly data going back to 1947.) For example, during the second quarter of this year, the decline of the trade deficit added 1.16 percentage points of growth while the economy contracted by 0.58 percent in real annual terms.

Moreover, it’s crucial to keep in mind that the third quarter’s trade deficit was still the fourth largest ever. (These quarterly data go back to 1947, too.) And it’s fully 52.98 percent higher than its level in the fourth quarter of 2019 – the last full quarter of data before the CCP Virus began roiling and warping the economy.

That third quarter export increase that helped the overall trade deficit shrink hit 3.43 percent – rising from $2.5619 trillion at annual rates in the second quarter to $2.6032 trillion. The result was a new all-time high. (The old record was the $2.5823 trillion annualized level in the first quarter of 2019.) This second straight quarterly improvemet in overseas sales of goods and services also finally pushed them above their immediate pre-pandemic level – by 1.22 percent.

On the import side, after setting five straight quarterly records, U.S. inflation-adjusted purchases of foreign goods and services sank by 1.78 percent sequentially in the third quarter, from $3.9475 trillion at annual rates to $3.8772 trillion. In fact, this quarterly retreat was the first since the second quarter of 2020, when the pandemic was spreading and depressing economic activity rapidly.

Yet this after-inflation import total was still the third highest on record, and the level of these total purchases remains 13.88 percent higher than in the immediate pre-pandemic fourth quarter of 2019.

Goods trade dominates U.S. trade flows and helped the total constant dollar deficit decrease by falling 9.51 percent sequentially in the third quarter, from $1.5846 trillion at annual rates to $1.4339 trillion. This second straight narrowing brought the goods deficit to its lowest level since the third quarter of last year $1.4144 trillion.

The improvement, moreover, was the biggest in percentage terms since the 12.63 percent plunge in the second quarter of 2009, when the economy was still mired in the Great Recession that followed the Global Financial Crisis.

Yet the goods trade deficit remains 48.57 percent above its level in that immediate pre-pandemic fourth quarter of 2019.

Meanwhile, the longstanding services trade surplus advanced by 7.43 percent in constant dollar terms, from $149.4 billion at annual rates to $160.5 billion. The increase in this sector followed two straight sequential drops in this surplus, and reflecting the outsized CCP Virus hit taken by this sector, is still down 31.93 percent since just before the pandemic’s arrival.

Real goods exports set their third consecutive record in the third quarter, growing 4.04 percent, from $1.8249 trillion at annual rates to $1.8986 trillion. These foreign sales are now 6.27 percent higher than in the fourth quarter of 2019.

After-inflation goods imports dipped for the second straight time, and by 2.26 percent – from $3.4095 trillion annualized to $3.3325 trillion. These purchases are still up 16.80 percent since just before the pandemic’s arrival.

Services exports in the third quarter advanced for the ninth straight time – climbing 2.03 percent, from $709.5 billion at annual rates to $723.9 billion. Yet they remain 7.99 percent below those pre-CCP Virus fourth quarter, 2019 level.

Services imports edged up by 0.59 percent in the third quarter. This sixth straight increase, from a $560.1 billion annualized level to $563.4 billion, brought them to 2.25 percent above their fourth quarter, 2019 level.

The big concern hanging over the good GDP news is the economy’s continued dependence on the massive stimulus provided to households and businesses during the pandemic era by Presidents and Congresses, and by the Federal Reserve – even though consumers are steadily spending down their windfalls. (See this post for the key consumer finance data.) That means that more towering inflation will be with Americans for many more months unless government policies change dramatically.

But however good the trade deficit and growth quality news, wild cards and potential headwinds and crosswinds still abound. Among them: the growth slowdown that’s coming as tighter Fed monetary policy works its way through the economy, to continuing economic woes in the major markets for U.S. exports, to the ongoing dollar surge, to the distinct possibility that the Fed will chicken out on the inflation-fighting front, and that the rest of the government will want to juice consumer spending power again if recession fears return. The last two developments, of course, could well draw in disproportionate amounts of imports, and as the next national election approaches, the odds that they play out seem certain to grow.  

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: No Shortage of U.S. Inflation Fuel

Tags

CCP Virus, consumers, coronavirus, cost of living, COVID 19, debt, Federal Reserve, housing, inflation, interest rates, monetary policy, quantitative tightening, revolving credit, savings, stimulus, stock market, Wells Fargo, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

As known by RealityChek regulars, I’ve repeatedly written (e.g., here) that sky-high U.S. inflation is going to remain sky high until the prices of the goods and services bought by consumers become genuinely unaffordable – and that their current towering levels make clear that we’re far from that point.

That’s why it’s so great that a team of economists from Wells Fargo bank have so clearly laid out the evidence for how much spending power remains with households – and therefore how much pricing power remains with businesses.

The two key facts entail how much in extra savings households have amassed since the CCP Virus pandemic struck in force in early 2020 and ushered in a period of both greatly reduced spending opportunities and greatly increased stimulus payments from Washington. As shown in this chart, the resulting “excess savings” zoomed up starting then and continued through mid-2021, when they peaked at about $2.5 trillion.

Source: U.S. Department of Commerce and Wells Fargo Economics

They’ve come down since – but still stood at just short of $1.3 trillion as of this past summer. Moreover, don’t forget – that number doesn’t tell us the actual level of consumer savings. It tells us how far above the pre-pandemic normal it stands.

For an idea of the actual amount of cash households have to spend, check out this second graph. It shows that even factoring in inflation, Americans’ checking and savings accounts hold a total of $13.9 trillion (the dark blue line), and that this figure is way up since the beginning of the pandemic, too.

Source: Federal Reserve Board and Wells Fargo Economics

You might have read that one big reason for worrying about the sustainability of consumer spending – and as a result, one big reason for optimism that inflation will soon peak or has already topped out – is that “Inflation is driving consumers to rack up more debt to purchase essentials.” Sounds like a sign of soaring desperation, right? Not if you look at the big picture.

Sure, credit card use has boomed over the last year (a high inflation year) in particular. Indeed, as shown in the third chart, it’s not only above pre-CCP Virus levels. It’s above its levels during the bubble years that preceded the Global Financial Crisis which ended in the worst economic downturn America had suffered to that point since the Great Depression of the 1930s. (The pandemic recession of 2020 was deeper than the Great Depression, but was much shorter.)

Source: Federal Reserve Board and Wells Fargo Economics

But that’s only one side of the credit card story, and not the most important side. The other side is how that “revolving” credit card and other consumer debt compares with consumers’ spend-able incomes. And as the chart below shows, although the “Household Financial Obligations Ratio” has worsened a lot recently, in absolute terms it’s not only considerably below its levels just before the CCP Virus’ arrival in force. It’s still at post-1990s lows – and by a wide margin.

Source: Federal Reserve Board and Wells Fargo Economic

As the Wells Fargo economists point out, this consumer spending power has to run out at some point, especially since households have been buying more than they earn, since their net worth (and therefore their ability to borrow robustly) is down some because both housing and stock prices have been sinking, and since the Federal Reserve’s inflation-fighting interest rate hikes and other tightening measures keep making such borrowing more expensive. Inflation-adjusted wages keep falling, too. 

Nevertheless, rate hikes (which only began this past March) can take up to 18-months to slow spending and the entire economy. The Fed is also reducing its balance sheet, which skyrocketed to astronomical levels as the central bank bought vast quantities of bonds during the worst of the pandemic in order to flood the economy with cheap money and keep it afloat during the worst of the CCP Virus downturn. But for what it’s worth, the consensus among economists to date is that this “quantitative tightening” isn’t severe enough depress economic activity significantly for some time, either. (See, e.g., here.)

And don’t forget – Washington keeps putting more money in consumers’ pockets directly and indirectly, most recently with an increase in Social Security payments to compensate for…high inflation, and another release from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve to dampen down oil prices.   

So it’s still true that, ultimately, the surest cure for high prices is high prices. But it’s just as true that everything known about consumer finances and the inflation fuel they represent says that these prices have a long way to go before those consumers start crying “Uncle!”

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: More Evidence That Stimulus-Bloated Demand is the Main U.S. Inflation Driver

Tags

CCP Virus, China, consumer price index, consumers, coronavirus, COVID 19, Covid relief, CPI, demand, inflation, Jobs, population, retirement, stimulus, Sun Belt, supply, supply chains, The New York Times, Ukraine War, workers, Wuhan virus, Zero Covid, {What's Left of) Our Economy

The New York Times just provided some important evidence on the big role played by super-charged consumer demand in super-charging inflation – this article showing that the Sun Belt has been the U.S. region where prices have been rising fastest.

The finding matters because a debate has been raging among politicians and economists over the leading causes of multi-decade high inflation rates with which Americans have been struggling over the last year and a half or so.

On one side are those who claim that overly generous government stimulus spending is the main culprit, because it’s increased U.S. buying power much faster than the supply of goods and services has grown. On the other side are those who focus on the inadequate amount of goods and services that companies are turning out, stemming from supply chain disruptions rooted in the stop-and-go nature of the American economy from successive waves of pandemic downturns and slowdowns to the Ukraine war to China’s ridiculously draconian Zero Covid policies.

Clearly, all these developments deserve blame, but the regional disparities in inflation rates provide pretty convincing support for emphasizing bloated demand.

Here’s the latest annual disparity in the headline Consumer Price Index as presented in the Times article:

U.S. total:    8.5 percent

South:          9.4 percent

Midwest:     8.6 percent

West:          8.3 percent

Northeast:   7.3 percent

It correlates roughly, by the way, with the data in this report last spring from the Republican members of Congress’ Joint Economic Committee.

And here’s a principal, demand-related reason: The Sun Belt states of the South and West have been the U.S. states that have gained the most population during the pandemic period. Indeed, according to the latest U.S. Census data, eight of the ten states with the fastest overall population growth between July, 2020 and July, 2021 was a southern or southwestern state, and the same holds for five of the ten states with the fastest population growth in percentage terms.

It’s true that population growth often increases supply, too – by boosting numbers of workers. The U.S. government doesn’t break out job creation along the above regional lines, but a look at individual state totals doesn’t conclusively brand the Sun Belt as an national employment leader. On average, relatively speaking, Arizona, California, Florida, Nevada, and Texas have created more jobs from the pandemic-period bottom in April, 2020 through last month, as shown in this table:

U.S. total:    +16.87 percent

California:   +17.98 percent

Florida:        +21.05 percent

Texas:          +17.31 percent

Arizona:       +16.02 percent

Nevada:        +30.92 percent

But don’t forget – many of these states have outsized travel and tourism sectors, and you know what happened to those activities during the worst of the pandemic. So in part, their employment bounced back so quickly because they had plummeted so dramatically as the CCP Virus’ first wave spread.

Moreover, many of these states are big retirement destinations, too, and as their overall population increase makes clear, this trend has intensified since the pandemic arrived. Of course, the workers in any given state don’t only sell goods and services to that state’s population, and a given state’s residents don’t only buy goods and services from providers in that state. Yet it’s certainly noteworthy that the number of the Sun Belt states’ consumers rose faster relative to the national average than the number of Sun Belt workers.

And in this vein, Sun Belt inflation probably is also particularly hot partly because so many of the newcomers are wealthy. Indeed, one recent study found that, early in the pandemic, “Of the 10 states with the largest influx of high-earning households, nine are located in the Sun Belt, including the six-highest ranked states, starting with Florida.”

Because they bring so much spending power to their new home states, these wealthier Americans naturally tend to drive prices up unusually fast.

As the Times article notes, some prominent reasons for scorching Sun Belt inflation are unrelated to population-driven demand growth – notably much lower population densities that generate more gasoline-using driving.  But the impact of population movement and all the disproportionately high inflation it’s clearly creating is hard to ignore.  And if a consumption shock has spurred so much inflation in the Sun Belt, why wouldn’t it be affecting prices this way in the rest of the nation, too?