Those Stubborn Facts: Biden’s Hollow Travel Mask Mandate

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Biden, CCP Virus, coronavirus, COVID 19, masks, Those Stubborn Facts, transportation, travel, Wuhan virus

“Biden to sign virus measures, requires mask use to travel”

– Associated Press, January 21, 2021

U.S. “airlines, Amtrak and other transport providers now require masks….”

– Associated Press, January 21, 2021

 

(Source: “Biden to sign virus measures, requires mask use to travel,” by Ricardo Alonso-Zaldivar, Associated Press, January 21, 2021, Biden to sign virus measures, requires mask use to travel (apnews.com))

 

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: U.S. Manufacturing’s Biggest 2020 Winners & Losers

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aerospace, automotive, Boeing, CCP Virus, computer and electronics products, consumer goods, coronavirus, COVID 19, energy, Federal Reserve, food products, fossil fuels, furniture, housing, industrial production, inflation-adjusted output, lockdowns, machinery, manufacturing, on-line shopping, stay-at-home, travel, wood products, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Thanks to last Friday’s release of the Federal Reserve’s report on December U.S. manufacturing production, it’s possible to identify the sector’s biggest winners and losers for inflation-adjusted growth. And their ranks include some notable surprises. (As with all U.S. government economic data, though, there’ll be plenty of revisions over the next few years.)

First, let’s keep in mind that the following categories are pretty broad, including a wide range of products whose performances have varied just as widely. For example, as noted previously (e.g., here), “machinery” contains everything from machine tools to heating and cooling equipment to semiconductor production gear to turbines to construction equipment to farm machinery.

Still, these groupings are specific enough to show how much care is needed when generalizing about the performance of a piece of the economy as big as manufacturing. Moreover, they’re the categories that come early on in the incredibly detailed presentation each month of manufacturing output results deep in the weeds of the Fed’s own website.

With these observations in mind, the five strongest growers (or most modest shrinkers) in manufacturing during 2020 were automotive (vehicles and parts combined) at plus-3.64 percent; food, beverage, and tobacco products (up 0.40 percent), wood products (0.38 percent), computer and electronics products (up 0.14 percent), and non-metallic mineral products (down just 0.52 percent).

The biggest losers? Petroleum and coal products (down 13.34 percent); printing and related activities (off by 10.41 percent); furniture and related products (down 9.86 percent); non-durable miscellaneous manufactures (down 8.57 percent); and aerospace and other non-automotive transportation equipment (an 8.27 percent contraction).

Some of these results were entirely predictable. For example, petroleum and coal products essentially entails the fossil fuels industries, which have been decimated by the overall U.S. and global economic slumps triggered by the CCP Virus, and by the particular hit taken by business and leisure travel. And don’t forget the lingering effects of Boeing’s safety troubles. Moreover, of course those Boeing woes in turn have taken their toll on the aerospace sector.

On the flip side, despite major concern about the strength of America’s food supply chain, it proved impressively resilient. And since Americans didn’t stop eating, real food production expanded – although as the table below shows, its this expansion was much slower than in 2019.

I’m not sure what’s been up with furniture, though, especially considering that the good performance of wood products surely reflects the strength of a domestic housing industry that should have spurred production of furniture. Moreover, so far, the 2020 trade statistics reveal no significant increase in imports.

Non-durable miscellaneous manufactures are something of a puzzle, too. This category includes items like jewelry, silverware, sporting goods, toys, and musical instruments. Since on-line shopping has propped up consumption during the pandemic period, purchases and domestic production of these goods should have remained strong, too – even though many of these sub-sectors have long dominated by imports.

And speaking of imports, a clear sign of their importance is the negligible growth of the domestic computer and electronics industries. It’s clear that the virus and related lockdowns and stay-at-home orders has greatly increased demand for information technology products. But it’s evident that the biggest winners weren’t U.S.-based suppliers. In fact, 2020 growth was way below 2019’s, as the table below shows.

Meanwhile, the solid growth of the automotive sector is pretty remarkable, since the sector literally shut down almost completely in March and April. That looks like awfully strong evidence that much of the economic damage of the pandemic period has stemmed from government restrictions, and not from any inherent weakness in the economy.

In any event, below are the results for all of manufacturing’s main big industry groups, along with the data for the durable goods and non-durable goods super-sectors, and industry overall. For comparison’s sake with the pre-CCP Virus period, I’ve also presented their after-inflation growth for 2019. And a year from now, the final Fed 2021 statistics will permit judging just how complete a retun to normalcy has been achieved.

                                                                              2018-19              2019-20

manufacturing                                                        -1.06                   -2.63

durable goods                                                         -1.70                   -2.97

wood products                                                       +3.58                  +0.38

non-metallic mineral products                               -1.17                   -0.52

primary metals                                                       -2.69                   -7.66

fabricated metals products                                     -1.72                   -5.38

machinery                                                              -2.39                   -3.80

computer & electronics products                          +6.19                  +0.14

electrical equipmt, appliances & components       -1.71                   -1.68

motor vehicles and parts                                        -9.05                  +3.64

aerospace and misc transporation equipment       +0.29                   -8.27

furniture and related product                                +0.34                   -9.86

miscellaneous manufactures                                +0.30                    -3.67

non-durable goods                                                -0.72                    -2.24

food, beverage and tobacco products                  +2.67                   +0.40

textiles and products                                            -2.24                    -5.04

apparel and leather goods                                    -7.50                    -3.64

paper                                                                    -2.37                    -1.91

printing and related activities                              -3.20                  -10.41

petroleum and coal products                               -1.32                  -13.34

chemicals                                                            -2.07                     -1.31

plastics and rubber products                               -3.24                     -0.78

other manufacturing                                           -8.59                      -8.51

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: New U.S. Figures Show That a Trumpian Trade Boom Could Follow Trump

Tags

aerospace, automotive, Boeing, CCP Virus, Census Bureau, China, consumer electronics, coronavirus, COVID 19, goods trade, healthcare goods, manufacturing, merchandise trade, Phase One, recession, services trade, Trade, trade deficit, travel, Wuhan virus, {What's Left of) Our Economy

As usually the case when the U.S. government’s data keepers, in their infinite wisdom, decide to issue several sets of important statistics on the same day, I prioritized the monthly jobs report in last Friday’s blogging. After all, it may be the nation’s single most closely followed economic indicator.

But that doesn’t mean that the monthly trade figures released on the same day deserved to be overlooked. In fact, they were unusually interesting for making clearer than ever how these numbers have been thoroughly distorted this year – and for the worse, in terms of America’s trade deficits – by the CCP Virus’ impact on the U.S. and global economies. The effects were especially evident in aerospace trade, which has suffered both from the virus’ decimation of much air travel around the world, and from the lingering damage inflicted by Boeing’s safety woes.

At the same time, these distortions also both point to a big silver lining for U.S. trade and especially the country’s manufacturing sector – especially if apparent President-elect Joe Biden is smart enough to keep most of President Trump’s tariffs in place. For if these trade curbs – highly concentrated on Chinese goods – remain largely on the books, not only will the pandemic’s eventual  (vaccine-induced?) end and recent steps toward returning Boeing’s troubled 737 Max model to the air boost the huge aerospace sector tremendously. In addition, domestic industry will be able to keep making progress filling the demand gap that’s clearly been left by the absence of Chinese products in the U.S. market, and capitalizing on Beijing’s commitment under the Trump Phase One trade deal to increase its imports from the United States.

As for the new monthly trade data – which cover October – one of the biggest stories concerned the revisions of September data, which dramatically changed the overall trade deficit number, and which stemmed almost entirely from astounding new services trade figures.

October’s combined goods and services trade deficit came in at $63.12 billion, according to the Census Bureau analysts who monitor the nation’s trade flows. On the surface, that represented a 1.68 percent increase over September’s total, and continued a troubling pattern of the overall trade gap continuing to widen even though the CCP Virus and associated business and consumer restrictions keep depressing U.S. economic growth dramatically.

Indeed, the October monthly total deficit was the second highest figure recorded since July, 2008’s $66.99 billion. And on a year-to-date basis, this shortfall is now 9.50 percent bigger in 2020 than in 2019.

But that September trade gap itself was revised down from the previously reported $63.86 billion – a huge 2.79 percent adjustment. And all that revision and much, much more resulted from re-estimates of the service trade numbers – where the surplus was revised up from $16.82 billion to $18.69 billion. Even given the relative difficulty of measuring any service sector economic activity, that 11.10 percent revision is nothing less than a mind-blower.

Underscoring the virus effect on all the service sub-sectors that go into economic activity, and on the travel industry in particular, the October service surplus of $18.29 billion was a 2.17 percent sequential decline, and the smallest such figure since August, 2012’s $17.08 billion. And through the first ten months of this year, the service surplus has shrunk by 15.60 percent.

The monthly and year-to-date moves in goods trade haven’t been nearly as big. This deficit did hit $81.41 billion in October (the second largest such total ever, after August’s $83.90 billion). But the monthly increase was only 1.28 percent, and year-to-date this merchandise gap has risen by a mere 1.28 percent.

Still, it’s legitimate to ask why the goods trade gap has risen at all with the economy still exiting (however rapidly in the third quarter) its deepest downturn since the Great Depression of the 1930s. It’s also legitimate to ask whether this increase despite a major (14.01 percent) drop in the year-to-date China goods deficit means that the Trump tariffs simply shifted this shortfall to other countries.

Given China’s burgeoning power and its growing aggressiveness around the world, the strategic benefits of such “trade diversion” to much less threatening countries shouldn’t be minimized. But in purely economic terms (which matter considerably), the Trump policies appear to be nothing more than a wash, and a disruptive one to corporate supply chains.

And this is where the aerospace sector comes in. From January-October, 2019 to the same period this year, the U.S. surplus in civilian aircraft, aircraft engines, and non-engine aircraft parts combined has plummeted by $43.48 billion. Had it simply remained at its 2019 levels, the huge, chronic U.S. manufacturing trade deficit – a major measure of domestic industry’s health as the Trump administration and many others, like me, see it – would be down on a year-to-date basis by five percent, rather than up by 3.22 percent.

As for the combined goods and services deficit, had the aerospace surplus not worsened, it would have increased by only 0.63 percent (to $493.21 billion), not 9.50 percent (to $536.69 billion). And if the services surplus remained the same rather than plunging by $37.26 billion, the year-to-date total trade deficit would look even better. In fact, the total trade gap actually would have shrunk during this period by 6.97 percent, to $455.95 billion.

Not that the Trump tariffs have solved all of U.S. manufacturing’s trade, or the nation’s overall trade woes. In October, industry still recorded its biggest monthly deficit ever ($110.20 billion) even though the aerospace surplus soared by nearly 36 percent sequentially. The big automotive and consumer electronics products deficits kept growing, and although detailed enough October data haven’t been posted yet, so, too, surely have been the shortfalls in protective and other pandemic-related medical equipment.

But the good October aerospace numbers indicate that this trade-crucial sector is already starting to reverse its fortunes, and as the pandemic subsides, the services trade surplus should return to normal levels as well. If a Biden administration keeps its promises to reshore crucial medical- and national security-related supply chains, the manufacturing trade balance will clearly benefit as well. And if, as he’s indicated he will, the former Vice President holds off on lifting the Trump China tariffs, and keeps the Phase One deal in force, domestic industry could be headed for salad days not only in trade terms, but on the production and employment fronts as well.

Making News: New Daily Caller Piece On-Line on the CCP Virus and the Economy

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bankruptcies, CCP Virus, consumers, coronavirus, COVID 19, DailyCaller.com, deflation, economy, exports, Im-Politic, Jobs, manufacturing, public health, real estate, recession, recovery, rent, reopening, restart, restaurants, retail, small business, testing, travel, unemployment, vaccines, Wuhan virus

I’m pleased to announce that my latest freelance article has just been published on the popular DailyCaller.com news site.  The title pretty much says it all:  “Don’t Expect A V-Shaped Recovery From Coronavirus,” and you can read it at this link.

And keep checking in with RealityChek for news of upcoming media appearances and other developments.

Im-Politic: The Travel Industry’s Phony Trump Travel Ban Scare Stories

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Im-Politic, Muslims, September 11, terrorism, tourism, travel, travel ban, travel exports, Trump

The American travel industry clearly employs some great flacks (i.e., public relations specialists). We know this because they’ve sold two major global news organizations on the inane proposition that the Trump administration’s hostility to Muslims and foreigners in general is about to cripple their industry, and that – at least by implication – the U.S. economy will suffer grievously.

The first and perhaps most important failing in this Washington Post article and this Financial Times (FT) piece carrying this message was the glossing over of national security considerations. Both reports noted that the supposedly xenophobic impression was created by the president’s proposed temporary travel ban from six countries identified even by the Obama administration as major potential sources of terrorist threats, and by strengthened vetting procedures at the border. But neither mentioned the counter-argument (either from an administration official or from a non-government specialist supportive of Mr. Trump’s initiatives) that stronger protections for Americans quite naturally carry a price tag, or that any kinds of trade-offs between economic and national security goals are legitimate.

The closest that either piece came to communicating this kind of nuance was a statement in the FT article from Marriot’s CEO acknowledging the role that needs to be played by “some of these other issue [such as security risk]” in formulating policy. In fact, you need to read between the lines (specifically in the Post article) to get any sense that the nation has faced this kind of situation in the recent past – after the September 11 attacks – and that the losses incurred by the travel industry by no means came anywhere near derailing the economy.

One big reason is that the economic role of foreign travel and tourism in the United States simply isn’t very big. The industry itself says that it represented 8.10 percent of total American economic activity last year (a key context-setting fact that the Post completely ignored), when both its direct and indirect effects are included. Fair enough. The figure came out to about $1.5 trillion last year, but that total includes both foreign and domestic travel.

One way to back out the foreign portion of domestic travel and tourism is to use the trade statistics. They don’t provide perfectly apples to apples data, but they’re not way off, either, and show, according to the travel industry, that foreign tourists spent about $194 billion in the United States in 2014. These “travel exports” would have directly accounted for about 8.28 percent of the nation’s total goods and services exports that year, according to official U.S. trade data – and about 1.10 percent of the total economy. There are no statistics on the indirect effects and they of course deserve to be counted. But it’s inconceivable that they would justify even minor concern.

Further, the travel industry isn’t forecasting that all foreign travel to the United States will simply dry up, or even close. In fact, according to the industry, despite the Trump policies and intentions, travel and tourism in the United States (again, including purely domestic travel) will keep growing this year. It just won’t grow quite as fast (by 2.3 percent instead of 2.8 percent). In other words, the Trump effect would barely move the needle.

The implications couldn’t be more obvious. The Trump travel ban and related measures may be bad policy for any number of reasons, but damage to the economy – or even to the tourism industry – clearly isn’t one of them. It’s understandable that the industry itself is unhappy about the prospect of any losses – even moderately slower growth. But why is the media portraying this result as a catastrophe?