(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Better Wholesale U.S. Inflation but Consumers May Never Notice

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consumer inflation, core PPI, cost of living, CPI, Federal Reserve, inflation, interest rates, monetary policy, PPI, Producer Price Index, producer prices, wholesale inflation, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Today’s official report on U.S. producer price inflation could teach an important lesson on why prices move up and down in various circumstances.

Because the Producer Price Index (PPI) measures the costs of various inputs businesses sell to other business customers, it can often signal where consumer prices are going – especially when these costs go up. After all, when the goods and services bought by businesses go up, they feel understandable pressure to compensate by raising the prices they charge their customers – including individuals and households.

But as RealityChek regulars know, businesses can’t always pass on higher costs to their final customers. That’s because these customers don’t always feel that they can afford to pay higher prices (except, to a great extent, for essentials). So if demand isn’t strong enough, higher producer, or wholesale, prices don’t always translate into higher consumer prices, and the businesses serving consumers often need to suffer lower revenues and/or profits.

To complicate matters further, when business’ costs go down, there’s no inherent reason for businesses to lower the prices they charge their final customers – especially if demand remains strong enough. Unless they’re chasing market share? Or unless anyone thinks that they regularly, or even ever, like to give their customers price breaks just for the heck of it?

So since consumer demand remains strong – as made clear just yesterday by the official U.S. consumer inflation report for February – my sense is that the new PPI data don’t have much predictive power when it comes to living costs.

That’s a shame, since those wholesale prices results are pretty good in and of themselves. Headline PPI actually fell on month in February, by 0.15 percent – the best such result since last July’s 0.28 percent dip. Moreover, January’s torrid initially reported increase of 0.66 percent (the worst such result since last June’s 0.91 percent jump) has been revised down to a rise of 0.34 percent.

The unusually good monthly number for February could simply reflect some mean reversion from January. (That downward revised figure is still the highest since last June.) Indeed, that terrible June result was followed by the July 0.28 percent decrease. But let’s stay glass-half-full types for now.

Core producer price inflation cooled nicely on month in February, too. This measure (which strips out food, energy, and trade services prices supposedly because they’re volatile for reasons having little to do with the economy’s fundamental inflation prone-ness), pegged sequential wholesale price increases at 0.21 percent.

That figure was well off January’s 0.50 percent – the worst since last March’s 0.91 percent. And it in turn was revised down from the initially reported 0.59 percent. Some mean reversion could be at work here, too, but since last June (as has not been the case for headline PPI), core PPI has been pretty range-bound between 0.20 and 0.29 percent.

Not even taking baseline effects into account undermine the February wholesale inflation results fatally. On an annual basis, headline PPI in February climbed by 4.59 percent. That was the best such result since March, 2021’s 4.08 percent, and a big decrease from January’s data (which were revised down from 6.03 percent to 5.71 percent.

In addition, the February figure comes off headline PPI of 10.56 percent between the two previous Februarys. Those back-to-back results still indicate that businesses that sell mainly to other businesses still believe they have plenty of pricing power – especially given that the baseline figure for March, 2021 was a rock bottom 0.34 percent due to the steep CCP Virus-induced economic downturn. But the big difference between the sets of January and February, 2023 numbers also signal that this confidence has been dented.

Even better, January’s 5.71 percent headline wholesale price inflation followed a 10.18 percent increase during the previous Januarys. A decrease in the 2023 figures considerably bigger than the increase in the 2022 figures also points to wholesale inflation losing not trivial steam.

The annual core PPI story isn’t quite so good, but contains some encouraging news. The February advance of 4.44 percent was only a bit down from January’s 4.45 percent. But it was the lowest such rate since March, 2021’s 3.15 percent, and the January figure was revised down from 4.53 percent.

Baseline analysis, however, shows that pricing power in the economy’s core sectors remains ample. The January and February annual core PPI results followed previous annual increases of 6.89 percent and 6.75 percent, respectively. So they didn’t duplicate the heartening headline PPI pattern of 2023 annual PPI falling faster than its 2022 counterparts.

Moreover, back in March, 2021, when annual core PPI was running at 3.15 percent, the baseline figure for the previous March’s was just 0.10 percent. That is, there was almost no core PPI inflation – because of the sharp CCP Virus-induced slump. So it’s obviously too soon to declare victory over this kind of price increase.

But although this fairly good PPI report may tell us little or even nothing about future inflation, it will affect the nation’s cost of living in one significant if indirect way:  Like yesterday’s consumer price report, it was probably good enough to enable the Federal Reserve to slow or pause its anti-inflation interest rate hikes and other monetary policy moves in order to contain the new banking crisis while claiming that such chickening out won’t send price increases spiraling still higher.  At least not yet right away.   

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(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Why U.S. Inflation Hopium is Looking Pretty Inflated

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baseline effect, consumer inflation, core PPI, Federal Reserve, inflation, Labor Depatment, PPI, Producer Price Index, producer prices, wholesale inflation, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Sorry to rain on the parade of the optimists, but this morning’s official data on wholesale prices (for November) signal that another month is about to pass with no serious evidence that troublingly high U.S. inflation has peaked.

These wholesale price figures (called the Producer Price Index, or PPI, by the Labor Department, which monitors these trends) represent what businesses charge each other for the inputs they buy to produce the goods and services they sell their final customers. Quite naturally, they typically (though not always) presage more inflation down the road on the consumer front, since these businesses will try to pass on as many of these costs as they can. And as I’ve argued previously, (e.g., here) the multi-decade worst consumer inflation numbers of the last two years or so show that they (accurately) believe they have lots of such pricing power.

The headline PPI sequential increase for November actually did cool – but only fractionally, from 0.31 percent month-to-month in October to 0.30 percent. Moreover, even though it was one of the smaller increases this year, this October result – as was the case for September and August – was revised up. (And they’ll be revised further in next month’s release.)

As with consumer inflation figures, the PPI reports include a “core figure” that leaves out food and energy price developments because they’re supposedly volatile for reasons having nothing to do with the economy’s underlying vulnerability to inflation. (The core PPI also omits a transportation-related category called “trade services.)

These monthly numbers were slightly worse than their headline counterparts. November’s sequential increase of 0.27 percent topped October’s 0.19 percent and again, even though these are among 2022’s weakest readings, the October, September, and August results were all revised up.

The annual figures look better – but only if you forget about the baseline effect. That is, when these numbers are compared with those of the previous year, they make clear that businesses believe they still have plenty of pricing power.

In this vein, November’s annual headline PPI inflation of 7.39 percent was the best such result since the 6.91 percent registered in May, 2021. And it seems to be progress from October’s 8.10 percent (which itself was upwardly revised). But this October’s annual headline PPI increase came off an 8.90 percent rise between the previous Octobers. This November’s annual headline PPI increase comes off a much worse 9.94 percent result between the previous Novembers.

The 4.87 percent annual worsening of core wholesale prices was also the best such result since May, 2021 (when the read was 5.25 percent). It also beat the 5.44 percent annual number for October.

But that October annual core PPI increase (which has also been revised up) came off wholesale inflation of 6.26 percent between October, 2020 and October, 2021. The “comp” for November is a significantly higher 7.03 percent.

Don’t get me wrong.  Both wholesale and consumer inflation will come down to acceptable levels at some point (no doubt because of a combination of consumers running out of the mammoth savings built up because of shriveled peak-pandemic spending opportunities and then big government stimulus programs;  and the Federal Reserve’s strategy of fighting inflation by slowing economic growth dramatically). 

Until then, however, reports of peak inflation will resemble nothing so much as Mark Twain’s supposed description of reports of his death – “greatly exaggerated.” 

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Are High Prices Starting to Cure Wholesale Inflation, Too?

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consumer inflation, consumer price index, consumer prices, core inflation, core PPI, cost of living, CPI, energy, energy prices, inflation, living standards, PPI, Producer Price Index, productivity, recession, wholesale inflation, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

In Wednesday’s post, I wrote that I was somewhat surprised about the new (and somewhat encouraging) official U.S. data for consumer inflation in July because June’s figures for what’s often called wholesale inflation were so bad. Because when the prices businesses charge each other to turn out the goods and services they sell, they typically compensate by passing these higher costs on to consumers.

But I actually shouldn’t have found those latest Consumer Price Index (CPI) numbers so unexpected. As I’ve pointed out before (e.g., here) such higher costs can be passed along only if consumers go along. So I should have recognized the better (but still far from good) CPI results as a sign that consumers are starting to balk – by cutting back their spending to some extent.

And significantly, yesterday’s official Producer Price Index (PPI) results for July suggest that businesses themselves began protesting higher prices and cutting back on purchases of their own inputs. That is, they may represent another example backing the adage that the best cure for high prices is high prices. 

In fact, in all the important ways, the new figures for both “headline” producer inflation and its “core” counterpart (which strips out energy and food prices supposedly because they’re volatile for reasons having little at best to do with the economy’s fundamental vulnerability to inflation) strongly resembled those for consumer inflation.

Both the headline and core PPI indices barely rose sequentially (reflecting a bit of “price rebellion,” and worsened on annual bases at a pace that was the slowest in many months, but still alarmingly high in absolute terms. Further, as with the CPI, the big reason for this improvement was the drop in energy prices. And both annual CPI and PPI rates remain worrisome because they’re coming off results for the previous year that were also historically torrid.

One prime indicator of how dramatically energy has affected these results comes from the month-to-month headline PPI numbers.

By this measure, producer prices sank by 0.50 percent (yes, “sank” – didn’t just “rise more slowly”) in July– the first such drop since April, 2020 (1.27 percent) when the first wave of the CCP Virus was wreaking its maximum damage on the economy. And this milestone followed a June monthly increase of 1.01 percent. The percentage-point swing between these two figures (1.51) was the greatest on record (though to be fair, this data series only goes back to late 2009).

The evidence for energy’s leading role? The July sequential fall-off of 8.96 percent (the first such decline since last December’s 1.42 percent and the biggest since since the 16.85 percent nosedive in peak pandemic-y April, 2020) came on the heels of June’s 9.41 percent increase – the biggest since June, 2020’s 9.99 percent, as the economy was recovering rapidly from that first virus wave, related lockdowns and other mandated restrictions, and voluntarily reduced activity. In addition, the percentage-point swing of 18.37 was the biggest since the 18.40 shift between the April, 2020 energy price crash and the May, 2020 rebound.

As for core producer prices, they crept up by just 0.15 percent on month in July. That’s the smallest such increase since last December’s 0.17 percent increase. And they displayed little volatility, as the 15 percentage-point difference between June’s rise of 0.32 percent and July’s was exactly the same as that between the June advance and May’s of 0.47 percent.

The annual PPIs tell a similar story of energy price dominance.

Headline producer inflation was up 9.69 percent on a year-on-year basis in July – the lowest such increase since last October’s 8.90 percent. And percentage-point difference between the July annual decrease and June’s of 11.25 percent (1.56) was the biggest since producer prices strengthened by 0.36 percent on an annual basis in March, 2020, as the virus arrived in the United States in force, and then weakened by 1.44 percent in April (a 1.76 percentage point difference).

And once again, energy prices were the big driver.

In July, they jumped 27.59 percent year-on-year. But even that blazing pace was dwarfed by June’s 53.54 percent annual surge – the biggest on record (again, going back only to late 2009), and well ahead of the previous all-time high of 47.71 percent in April, 2021 (a figure strongly bolstered by the baseline effect, since in peak pandemic-y April, 2020, annual energy prices crashed by 30.20 percent.

The percentage-point gap between the June and July results were the widest ever, too – 25.95. The previous record was the 24.56 percentage point difference between that record 47.71 percent annual spurt increase in April, 2020 and the previous month’s rise of a relatively modest 23.15 percent. 

Since it doesn’t include energy prices, annual core PPI’s ups and downs – like those of monthly wholesale inflation – have been pretty tame in comparison.

The July increase of 5.75 percent was the best such performance since June, 2021’s 5.60 percent. And the annual rate of increase has now slowed for four straight months.

July’s annual core PPI rise was also an impressive 0.82 percentage points less than the June figure of 6.38 ercent. But that gap was only the biggest since May, 2020’s 0.62 percentage-point difference over the April results.

This relatively gradual drop in core PPI on a yearly basis (which RealityChek regulars know is a more reliable gauge of the trends in the monthly numbers because the longer timespan measured smooths out inevitably random short-term fluctuations) is the most compelling evidence that headline producer and consumer prices will remain worrisomely high for the foreseeable future.

This scenario isn’t inevitable. Maybe Americans can count on energy prices continuing to decline month-to-month long enough to bring annual inflation rates down in absolute terms. And maybe even they don’t, high energy prices won’t start boosting prices throughout the rest of the economy. But those developments can only be reasonably expected if consumer and business spending weakens enough to produce sluggish overall economic growth and even a recession.

Such a downturn is probably the price the nation has to pay to extinguish inflationary fires. The big problem is that, without a serious focus on reversing the long and possibly worsening U.S. slump in productivity growth, other than relief from the current cost of living crisis, the public – and especially the poorest Americans – probably won’t receive any major and solidly grounded living standards payoff from such a victory.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: The Latest Sign That Inflation is Here to Stay

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baseline effect, consumer price index, cost of living, CPI, Federal Reserve, inflation, monetary policy, PPI, Producer Price Index, recession, supply chains, wholesale inflation, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

If you follow the news about the U.S. economy, you know by now that the federal government’s Producer Price Index (PPI – its measure of wholesale price inflation), rose at a slightly slower annual rate in April (11.03 percent) than in March (11.18 percent).

Ditto for the core PPI, which omits not only food and energy but trade services – since supposedly they’re volatile for reasons having nothing to do with the economy’s fundamental vulnerability to out-of-the-ordinary price changes (decreases as well as increases).

Both PPIs measure how much businesses charge each other for the goods and services they turn into final products and sell to households and individuals. That’s why they’re naturally seen as precursors of future consumer inflation rates (measured by the Consumer Price Index, or CPI).

After all, as long as the economy’s overall demand levels (reflecting overall growth levels) remain healthy, these businesses mostly will be able to pass these cost increases on to customers and actually will. Higher consumer inflation follows. So anything like the opposite is happening, and if producer prices are easing at all (even from historic highs), that’s got to be encouraging news on the consumer and overall inflation fronts.

But did the April yearly rate of increase really slow down? Maybe not. That’s because it’s a preliminary reading and, as shown by the left-hand column in the table below, since last September, every revision of that first estimate went up.

Jan 2021: 1.60 percent now 1.59                                1.97 percent

Feb 2021: 2.96 percent now 2.95                               1.11 percent

March 2021: 4.15 percent now 4.06                           0.34 percent

April 2021: 6.51 percent now 6.43                  -1.52 percent now -1.44

May 2021: 6.99 percent now 6.91                   -1.10 percent now -1.01

June 2021: 7.56 percent now 7.49                   -0.68 percent now -0.59

July 2021: 7.96 percent now 7.83                    -0.25 percent now -0.17

Aug 2021: 8.65 percent now 8.58                    -0.25 percent now -0.17

Sept 2021: 8.78 percent now 8.82                             0.34 percent

Oct 2021:  8.87 percent now 8.90                             0.59 percent

Nov 2021: 9.88 percent now 9.94                     0.85 percent now 0.76

Dec 2021: 9.99 percent now 10.58                   0.84 percent now 0.76

Jan 2022: 10.08 percent now 10.17                  1.60 percent now 1.59

Feb 2022: 10.27 percent now 10.51                 2.96 percent now 2.95

March 2022: 11.18 percent now 11.54             4.15 percent now 4.06

April, 2022: 11.03 percent                                       6.43 percent

Sure, the April revision could be a downgrade – like those between January and August, 2021. But the odds of an upgrade look pretty good.

Moreover, the right-hand column in the table shows that the baseline effect, which was cause for some optimism that inflation might peak before too long, is more over than ever.

As known by RealityChek regulars, the unusually high and robustly rising annual CPI and PPI figures for last year stemmed largely from the change they represented from unusually low inflation rates the year before – which were driven down by the arrival of the CCP Virus and the sharp recession it induced by prompting on-and-off lockdowns of huge chunks of the economy, and major behavioral caution by businesses and individuals alike.

What that right-hand column shows is that these effects – even with the slightly better revisions displayed above – were profound enough to result in actual PPI annual decreases from April, 2019-2020 through August, 2019-2020. (The right-hand column also brings the story up to 2020-2021 for January through April – the baseline comparison year for the first four data months of 2021-2022.)

That is to say, the table reveals that the economy’s recovery in 2021 from virus-ridden and downturn-y 2020 amounted to a great catching up process that largely explains the bloated PPI figures. (The other major factor was supply chain disruption resulting from the stop-and-start nature of some of the virus waves and lockdowns, and therefore of the recovery itself.)

But the above table also shows that the baseline effect began fading significantly this past February. That month, the annual PPI rise of 10.27 percent came off a February, 2020-2021 increase of 2.95 percent. The similar January annual increase of 10.08 percent, by contrast, came off a 2020-2021 rise of a much lower 1.59 percent.

And just look at April! That 11.03 percent annual PPI jump has followed a 6.43 percent increase between the previous Aprils.

Moreover, the same kind of trend (at lower absolute levels) is evident from the core PPI data, as shown below. Again, the left-hand column displays the annual increases by month starting in January, 2021. The right-hand column shows the annual changes by month for the year before – the baseline. The only possible significant difference is that I haven’t tracked the revision record for this core PPI series, so I don’t know if the latest April result is likely to be upgraded or downgraded, or unrevised.

Jan 2021: 1.79 percent                                                    1.64 percent

Feb 2021: 2.33 percent                                                   1.36 percent

March 2021: 3.15 percent                                               1.00 percent

April 2021: 4.81 percent                                                -0.09 percent

May 2021: 5.25 percent                                                 -0.18 percent

June 2021: 5.60 percent                                                  0.09 percent

July 2021: 6.01 percent                                                   0.27 percent

Aug 2021: 6.19 percent                                                   0.36 percent

Sept 2021: 6.14 percent                                                  0.72 percent

Oct 2021: 6.26 percent                                                    0.90 percent

Nov 2021: 7.04 percent                                                   0.99 percent

Dec 2021: 7.18 percent                                                    1.17 percent

Jan 2022: 6.91 percent                                                     1.79 percent

Feb 2022: 6.76 percent                                                    2.33 percent

March 2022: 7.10 percent                                               3.15 percent

April, 2022: 6.92 percent                                                4.81 percent

The big takeaway here: Even more than yesterday’s April Consumer Price Index report, today’s release on the Producer Price Index is saying that alarmingly high inflation is here to stay for Americans for the forseeable future. It’s possible that the Federal Reserve, the U.S. government agency mainly responsible for handling inflation, can tighten monetary policy (to reduce that aforementioned consumer demand and in turn growth) skillfully enough to engineer a “soft landing” for the economy – i.e., bring price increases back to much less damaging levels while avoiding a recession. But keep in mind that the next time the central bank achieves this goal starting from inflation rates this hot will be the first.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Tariffs-Led Wholesale Price Inflation Going, Going….

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aluminum, China, inflation, metals, metals-using industries, Producer Price Index, steel, tariffs, Trade, trade war, Trump, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Amid all the recent trade policy-related news, I’ve struggled (unsuccessfully) to keep up with the U.S. inflation data, but kept my nose to the grindstone this week and have now managed to scrutinize the new producer price figures (for May) in detail. These Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS) figures contain unmistakable signs that whatever tariff-led inflation had begun to be generated in the American wholesale sector has been dramatically dissipating lately – which no doubt has much to do with continuingly weakening core inflation on the consumer side.

As usual, let’s start with the impact of President Trumps metals tariffs, which have lasted the longest (their first full month was April, 2018), and it’s easiest to identify the industries affected, since steel and aluminum-heavy sectors are pretty obvious (along with the metals themselves), and since we’re not dealing with the dependency on metals from any one trade competitor.

And a special bonus: It’s with steel and aluminum prices per se that the loss of any inflationary momentum comes through most clearly. Specifically, after rising 12.37 percent between April and their most recent (September) peak, prices for steel mill shapes fell 6.44 percent through May. As a result, they’re now 5.14 percent higher than during their first tariffs month. In their control group (the processed goods minus foods and feeds – or “core” – super-category) prices rose by 3.41 percent from April through their peak (in October), and have since declined by 2.62 percent. Consequently, they’re now 0.70 percent higher than during the first metals tariffs month.

So although in absolute terms, steel prices remain higher than those in their super-category, they peaked earlier and have come down faster.

Aluminum prices have been much weaker for much longer. After rising by 6.66 percent between April and their (latest) June peak, aluminum mill shapes prices are down by 6.53 percent. As a result, they’re now actually 0.30 percent lower than during their first full tariffs month.

Significantly, signs of markedly decelerating inflation are just as evident in numerous metals-using manufacturing sectors. In past posts on producer price trends, I looked first at industries where price increases since the metals tariffs onset had initially been faster than that for their super-category – final demand goods minus food and energy products.

The table below makes plain that a sizable, widespread slowdown has taken place. The columns show the percentage price changes between April and whichever month saw such prices hit their latest peak; and such changes for such goods since January. In every instance, the percentage changes for the latter have been much smaller than for the former. And in the cases of mining machinery and equipment and construction machinery and equipment, the slowdowns were more dramatic even than that for the super-category (which was awfully dramatic).

                                                               April to peak (month)          Since Jan.

Final demand less food and energy:       +1.73 (May, 2019)              +0.17

pumps/compressors:                               +3.82 (May, 2019)              +0.57

mining mach & equipment:                    +7.52 (April, 2019)            +0.03

construction machinery & equipment:   +5.75 (April, 2019)            +0.04

metal-forming machine tools:                +3.77 (Feb.,2019)              +0.77

But it would be reasonable to counter that four manufacturing sectors are too few to show anything conclusively. So here are results for nine more whose early inflation numbers were stronger than that of the core final demand super-category. Every single one has experienced an inflation slowdown since January, and except for railroad equipment and possibly oil and gas field machinery, all involved several orders of magnitude.

                                                                  April to peak (month)       Since Jan.

agricultural machinery & equipment:        +4.18 (April, 2019)          +0.04

tools, dies, jigs, fixtures, molds:                +2.82 (Feb., 2019)           +0.51

industrial material handling equipment:    +3.83 (May, 2019)          +0.22

oil and gas field machinery:                      +1.99 (March, 2019)       +1.01

household appliances:                               +4.53 (Feb., 2019)          +1.39

lawn & garden equipment:                        +2.19 (May, 2019)          +0.13

truck trailers:                                             +6.96 (May, 2019)          +0.81

aircraft:                                                      +2.20 (May, 2019)         +0.52

railroad equipment                                    +2.76 (March, 2019)      +2.67

For good measure, a slowdown is also occurring for metals-using industries where price increases have been relatively weak since the metals tariffs were imposed, as apparent from the table below: 

                                                                 April to peak (month)    Since Jan.

metal-cutting machine tools:                     +1.75 (May, 2019)        +0.69 

passenger cars:                                          +1.20 (Oct., 2018)         -0.30

heavy trucks:                                             +1.22 (Jan., 2019)           0.00

light trucks:                                                +2.43 (Nov., 2018)       -1.72

motor vehicle parts:                                   +0.71 (April, 2019)      +0.31

travel trailers & campers:                          +2.24 (March, 2018)    +0.42

Switch over to “intermediate demand” goods and you find a broad-based, often dramatic inflation deceleration as well – even though price increases in this super-category have accelerated!

                                                                 April to peak (month)    Since Jan.

core intermediate demand:                       +1.11 (May, 2019)         +1.26

metal containers:                                      +5.01 (May, 2019)         +2.95

fab wire products:                                  +11.49 (March, 2019)     +0.23

non-fluid power valves:                          + 4.01 (May, 2019)        +0.98

bolts, nuts, screws, rivets, washers:        +7.98 (April, 2019)        -0.43

fabricated structural metals products:     +5.10 (May, 2019)        +2.18

hardware:                                                 +5.10 (May, 2019)       +0.49

heating equipment:                                  +6.99 (May, 2019)       +1.85

fluid power equipment:                           +4.54 (May, 2019)       +1.33

mechanical power transmission equip:   +3.73 (May, 2019)      +0.40

A/C & refrigeration equip:                     +4.16 (April, 2019)     +1.37

ball and roller bearings:                          +5.85 (March, 2019)   +2.96

The first Trump China tariffs weren’t imposed until early July, so the sample size is smaller. And as previously noted, it’s relatively difficult identifying their precise effects because the list of tariff-ed sectors uses an industry classification system different from that used by BLS to monitor price changes, and the China content of these products can vary significantly. In addition, the group of tariff-ed goods have grown since then, the level of levies differs widely, and the original duties for many have been increased (not to mention the suspension of this major increase for several months earlier this year.  For the exact phases of the U.S.-China trade war until the latest – May 10 – Trump tariff increase, see here.).

But on this policy front, too, the exact same recent wholesale inflation slowdown is apparent as documented above for metals and metals-using industries. And for goods in the core intermediate demand super-category, the China tariff-affected goods have also seen produce price inflation slow as price inflation for the super-category has sped up. The only exceptions are the transformer category (where the inflation levels have been very low in absolute terms and the speed-up marginal) and possibly the oil and gas field machinery sector (where the monthly inflation rates for the two periods seem to be about the same_. Here, again, are the results for the entire August, 2018-May, 2019 period (covering the full duration of the China tariffs in toto), and for the post-January period.

                                                                              Aug.-May            Since Jan.

core intermediate demand goods:                     -1.85 percent       +1.26 percent

aircraft engines and engine parts:                    +1.32 percent       +0.35 percent

ball bearings:                                                   +4.23 percent       +2.96 percent

electric generators:                                          +2.41 percent       +0.18 percent

medical, surgical & personal aid devices:      +0.94 percent         -0.05 percent

core commodity final demand:                      +1.12 percent          0.00 percent

industrial heating equipment:                        +3.50 percent        +1.85 percent

oil and gas drilling platform parts:                +1.84 percent        +1.01 percent

farm machinery and equipment:                   +2.29 percent           0.00 percent

paper-making machinery:                             +2.92 percent         +0.88 percent

electricity transformers:                                +0.61 percent         +0.70 percent

X-ray and electro-medical equipment:         +0.35 percent          +0.12 percent

It might be an exaggeration to say “If you blinked, you missed tariffs-led inflation in the wholesale economy.” But as the above figures make clear, for now, it’s not much of an exaggeration.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: A Valentine’s Day Bust for Tariff Alarmists

Tags

aluminum, inflation, Labor Department, manufacturing, metals, metals-using industries, PPI, Producer Price Index, producer prices, steel, tariffs, Trade, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

If trade alarmists and tariff fear-mongers were hoping for a Valentine’s Day gift from Thursday’s producer price inflation report, they’re now nursing broken hearts. For the new numbers from the Labor Department continue the string of official data releases showing that President Trump’s trade curbs on imports of metals and various goods from China have generated no significant inflationary pressure in the economy overall. Indeed, there’s only the scantest evidence that they’ve created upward price pressure even in the products most directly affected.

As has been the case for months for this Producer Price Index (PPI) data – along with the statistics on consumer prices – the most reliable figures are the Trump tariffs on steel and aluminum imports, because they’ve been in place since March. But when it comes to the producer price results – which look at the economy from the wholesale sector’s standpoint – it’s worth examining the China-related data as well, since the first tariffs on producer goods from China were imposed in July. (P.S.: Keep in mind that the new statistics, which bring the story up to January, incorporate an annual set of revisions that in this case impact the seasonally adjusted numbers going back to 2014).

Prices for steel remain elevated through, January, but increases have lost noteworthy momentum. True, they rose sequentially in January by 0.50 percent and their initially reported monthly decline of 0.63 percent in December was revised to a 0.18 percent dip. Moreover, steel prices have risen by 11.02 percent since April – the first full month they were in effect. By contrast, the super-category in the PPI report in which they’re placed – processed goods minus foods and feeds – saw its prices decline by 0.55 percent during that period.

But most of the steel price increases took place over the summer. Since September, they’re down 1.20 percent. That’s not nearly as big a fall-off as for their super-category overall (where prices were off by 3.83 percent during this period). But it’s a decrease nonetheless.

Upon moving to aluminum prices, however, the notion that tariffs have been mainly behind these high and still rising prices breaks down completely – because aluminum pricing trends have been so completely different.

Whereas wholesale steel prices increased on-month in December, wholesale aluminum prices fell – by an unrevised 0.40 percent. Both metals registered a 0.50 percent sequential price rise in January.

But aluminum’s period of strong pricing power was considerably shorter than steel’s, and ended in June. And since that month, they’re down by 6.40 percent. That’s almost double the price slump experienced by its core processed goods super-category (the same as steel’s) – 3.37 percent. So something other than tariffs clearly has been driving the price movements of these metals on the wholesale level.

Important divergences also appear in the data for metals-using industries. Last month, for example, we found that prices for sectors like pumps, compressors, and related equipment; mining machinery and equipment; construction machinery and equipment; and metal-forming machine tools, rose faster on month than prices in their super-category – final demand goods minus food and energy.

In January, these trends continued for construction machinery and that machine tools sector. But the new monthly increases for other metals-using sectors, like agricultural machinery and equipment (0.21 percent), metal-cutting machine tools 0.30 percent), industrial materials handling equipment (0.17 percent), and machine tool parts and mold-making equipment (flat), were considerably weaker, and completely in line or softer than the latest monthly price increase for the core final demand goods category (0.26 percent). That’s significant given recent solid output growth for the entire manufacturing sector, and especially the durable goods industries that rely heavily on metals as inputs.

Nonetheless, increases pushed through earlier in the year helped most metals-using sectors produce price hikes on a January-to-January basis considerably stronger than that for the core final demand goods super-category (2.40 percent).

Switch over to “intermediate demand” goods and you find mixed results, too. Big annual price hikes have been seen in sectors like metal containers, fabricated wire products, and certain kinds of valves (for January, 5.58 percent, 15.56 percent, and 5.77 percent, respectively). These increases all exceeded that for their core intermediate demand super-category (0.97 percent). Yet they were all lower than the December figures (6.46 percent, 16.42 percent, and 6.03 percent). (The intermediates super-category figure was 3.29 percent for that month.) So some inflation momentum has been lost.

Since the metals tariffs were imposed, prices of metal containers have risen 2.01 percent, prices of fabricated wire products have risen 10.16 percent, and prices of those valves are 2.82 percent higher. All these inflation rates are much faster than that of the intermediate demand super-category (where prices overall fell 0.55 percent during that period). But as with the annual figures, they vary considerably, with the wire products sticking out like an especially sore thumb.

The first Trump China tariffs weren’t imposed until early July, so the sample size is smaller. But the case for tariff-led wholesale inflation on this front is just as weak as in the metals-related sectors.

The evidence for tariffs-led producer price inflation is much weaker for goods imported from China – perhaps because the levies haven’t been in place for nearly as long as the metals tariffs. The table below shows the PPI changes for some of the leading products found on the Trump administration’s initial China tariff list. They were imposed on July 6, so the numbers show the cumulative price changes since August. (Note: Because the administration’s Trump announcement used a different classification system than that used in the PPI reports, the below data don’t match up exactly with that tariff list. But the following goods are all at the least main parts of the items on the Trump list, or vice versa. The same holds for the super-category figures used, as with metals tariff-related products, for comparison’s sake.)

                                                                                  Aug.-Dec.            Aug.-Jan.

core processed goods for intermediate demand:   -0.88 percent       -2.50 percent

aircraft engines and engine parts:                         +0.04 percent      +0.44 percent

ball bearings:                                                         +1.01 percent     +1.24 percent

electric generators:                                                +1.61 percent     +1.66 percent

medical, surgical & personal aid devices:            +0.34 percent      +0.93 percent

core commodity final demand                              +0.64 percent      +1.13 percent

industrial heating equipment:                               +1.79 percent      +2.41 percent

oil and gas drilling platform parts:                              0 percent              0 percent

farm machinery and equipment:                           +2.26 percent      +2.55 percent

paper-making machinery:                                     +0.31 percent      +0.52 percent

electricity transformers:                                        +0.12 percent      +0.68 percent

medical, surgical, and personal aid devices:         +0.33 percent      +0.93 percent

X-ray and electro-medical equipment:                  +0.12 percent     +0.37 percent

In a phrase, these results are all over the place – strongly indicating that the tariffs have not been the leading cause of their price changes. The only consistent pattern suggesting a notable tariff effect emerges after comparing the August-December and August-January results. In the core intermediate demand grouping, prices dropped at a faster pace between the two periods. But for the China-related goods, they rose, albeit at different rates.

In the core final demand grouping, prices rose at a faster pace for the super-category, and for all the specific goods within it except for oil and gas drilling platform parts. Interestingly, though, the acceleration for two other sectors – farm machinery and equipment and paper-making machinery – was slower than for the super-category as a whole. In addition, during the latest, August-to-January, period, prices for no less than five of the seven sectors rose more slowly than for the super-category for a whole – again signaling the strong influence of non-tariff factors.

America’s globalist elites haven’t lost credibility solely or even mainly because of trade policy. But that’s surely been part of the mix. And if they want to start regaining some, they might think about admitting that facts really do matter, and that scarcely any of them support their tariff fear-mongering.

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: Tariff-Led U.S. Inflation Remains Mythical

Tags

aluminum, appliances, beer, cans, Emily Rauhala, inflation, Labor Department, laundry equipment, metals, metals-using industries, Producer Price Index, steel, tariffs, Trade, Trump, Washington Post, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Talk about bad timing! Yesterday, the Washington Post ran a piece by Emily Rauhala, who covers Canada and other foreign news for the paper, on how soaring tariff-juiced aluminum prices are already “bruising” the American beer industry. According to her report, “In a vivid example of how Trump’s trade tactics abroad can hurt business at home, the U.S. beer industry, which needs aluminum to make cans, is seeing costs rise.”

But this morning, the U.S. Labor Department came out with data showing that, although prices for aluminum (along with steel, another tariff-ed metal) have jumped from last October to this past October, they’re now actually starting to fall. And special bonus! The same trend seems to be holding for household laundry equipment.  Product-specific tariffs boosted prices for a time, and generated big headlines, but now the price are falling back to earth.

The new Producer Price Index (which measures price changes at the wholesale level) reports that “aluminum mill shapes” last month cost buyers 8.2 percent more than they did in October, 2017. But since July, they’ve dropped on a monthly basis by 2.1 percent, 0.3 percent, and 0.4 percent.

Further, it’s important to remember that, as with steel and the laundry machines, last year’s prices were artificially depressed by foreign dumping. In other words, these prices were set by foreign governments determined to grab market share for their producers at the expense of their American-based rivals. They had nothing whatever to do with market forces.

The statistics for “steel mill products”? Between October, 2017 and October, 2018, prices did indeed surge by 18.2 percent. But the monthly numbers since July reveal price changes of +2.6 percent, zero percent, and -0.8 percent.

Also significant: In lots of metals-using industries, there are no major year-on-year price increases at all. These include hardware, plumbing fixtures, turned products (like bolts and nuts and screws), metal valves, ball bearings, auto parts, aircraft parts, and aircraft engines and parts (which are tracked separately).

The price data for household appliances are found in a another of today’s Labor Department tables, and don’t separate out laundry equipment from other appliances where no special tariffs were applied. But they strongly indicate that any producers thinking they’d gain major pricing power from these levies were utterly delusional.

From October, 2017 through last month, prices in this category were up only 3.3 percent. And the last three months’ worth of sequential changes? Down 0.1 percent, up 1.3 percent, and down 0.7 percent. Think we’ll see this development  generate any headlines?

As with investing, past performance doesn’t always predict future results. But it’s not bupkis, either. At some point, President Trump’s tariffs may indeed supercharge U.S. inflation. To date, however, trade-related inflation reports at best deserve the warning, “Let the buyer beware.”

(What’s Left of) Our Economy: No Signs of Tariff-Led Consumer Price Inflation, Either

Tags

automotive, beer, canned goods, consumer price index, CPI, inflation, Labor Department, Producer Price Index, tariffs, Trade, Trump, washing machines, wholesale prices, {What's Left of) Our Economy

Honestly, I hate to bombard everyone with official U.S. government data showing that President Trump’s tariffs so far have done exactly zero damage to the U.S. economy, contrary to upteen claims. Except official U.S. government data keeps showing that President Trump’s tariffs so far have done exactly zero damage to the U.S. economy, contrary to upteen claims.

Two days ago, this conclusion was borne out by the Labor Department’s latest report on price changes faced by businesses (measured by the Producer Price Index). Yesterday, the same message was sent loud and clear by the Department’s latest report on price changes faced by consumers (measured by the Consumer Price Index), which take the story up to September.

Since Mr. Trump’s first tariffs on imports from China didn’t go into effect until late August, not enough time has passed to assess their impact. But new American levies on steel and aluminum began to be collected in late-March. In addition, separate tariffs have been imposed on imports of large home washing machines since February. So this post focuses on price changes in sectors that use lots of steel and aluminum – the very sectors of course that have complained loudest about the tariffs. And it will present some seasonally adjusted and non-adjusted figures, because the only year-on-year data provided are unadjusted.

First, the main overall results for the Consumer Price Index for All Urban Consumers (not the only U.S. government measure of inflation at the retail level, but one that’s widely cited and that the Labor Department emphasizes). Between August and September, the overall CPI was up 0.1 percent on both adjusted and unadjusted bases. Year-on-year on year, these September prices rose by 2.3 percent (again, on an unadjusted basis).

Most students of the economy more closely follow the so-called “core CPI,” which strips out food and energy prices because of their volatility. But they weren’t much different from the overall CPI results. Between August and September, the core CPI increased by 0.2 percent on an unadjusted basis, by 0.1 percent on an adjusted basis, and on year by 2.2 percent (adjusted).

So these numbers don’t exactly scream “Raging inflation!” But what about products with lots of steel and/or aluminum? In most cases, prices went up considerably less than overall prices and core prices, and especially year-on-year – which provides the best indicator of trends over time.

Take new motor vehicles. Their September year-on-year price increase has been just 0.5 percent – less than a quarter the rate of core inflation. And on both adjusted and unadjusted basis, they were down between August and September – by 0.1 and 0.3 percent, respectively. Don’t forget: Both the adjusted and unadjusted monthly figures show that core inflation rose in September.

Take canned fruits and vegetables. Year-on-year, their price is up 1.9 percent as of September – nearly the rate of core inflation and overall inflation. But look beneath the hood: Most of those higher prices were generated by canned vegetables, which were 3.2 percent more expensive this September than during the previous September. So it sounds very much like the price hikes had little to do with cans made more expensive by more expensive metals.

On a sequential basis, the price changes in canned fruits and vegetables seem to make the tariff-induced inflation claims look more convincing. When seasonally adjusted, in particular, prices for the group rose by 0.7 percent in September – much faster than the overall or core consumer inflation rates. But look even more closely at that line item, and you’ll find a footnote making clear that the size of the sample on which the figure is based is “substantially smaller” than the norm. So presumably its reliability isn’t sterling.

Because the CPI data don’t distinguish between canned beer, soda, and soup, and the uncanned varieties, the impact of higher metals prices on these foods is tougher to figure out.

For example, for carbonated drinks, September year-on-year prices rose by 2.1 percent – again, close, but not quite at the overall CPI rate. And of course, many of these drinks are sold in bottles as well. Both the adjusted and unadjusted monthly September consumer inflation rates for these drinks were actually a good deal higher than the overall rate – 0.3 percent and 0.6 percent, respectively. But how many of the drinks surveyed were cans?

The same question arises for beer. The Labor Department distinguishes between suds consumed at home and away from home. For beer (and “ale and other malt beverages”) drunk at home, prices rose in September at an annualized 1.1 percent – less than half the overall inflation rate. On an adjusted and unadjusted basis on month in September, the increases were greater – 0.5 percent and 0.7 percent, respectively. Indeed, they were both greater than the comparable overall inflation numbers. But what was the can-bottle ratio?

For these malt beverages consumed away from home, the annual September price increase was twice as great as for home-consumed drinks in the beer category (2.2 percent). But the monthly increases were in the same neighborhood as for beer etc drunk at home – 0.5 percent adjusted and unadjusted. And there’s still that can-bottle puzzle.

Therefore, there’s no reason to think that price for canned produce and beer-type drinks are rising through the roof due to the metals tariffs.  The case for tariff-led inflation is even weaker for soups – many of which are canned but some of which are powdered or otherwise dried. On-year, their prices were down by 3.8 percent. On month, prices also dropped on both adjusted and unadjusted bases – by 1.4 percent and four percent, respectively. So if anything, prices for soups are deflating.

And finally, let’s take those washing machines. Year-on-year, their September prices rose by a robust 10.6 percent. But the latest figures show that the pricing trend has actually shifted into reverse.  On month, washing machine prices were down by 1.9 percent on an unadjusted basis and by fully 3.8 percent on an adjusted basis.  Moreover, the rate of monthly price drops has been speeding up.  So although producers tried to jack up prices in response to the tariffs, they’re failing to make those price hikes stick.   

As for the future, who knows? But the tariff-led inflation alarmists still haven’t answered this crucial question: If business thinks it will have great scope to boost prices after tariffs are imposed, why isn’t it raising those prices right now? That is, why will companies have the major extra pricing power on Tariff Day Plus One that they will have lacked up until Tariff Day Minus One?

Once that question is answered, tariff alarmism will start looking highly plausible, even if no tariff-led inflation is visible yet. But not one day before.

Making News: On Israeli TV Tonight Talking Trump Tariffs…& More!

Tags

Breitbart.com, economy, i24News, inflation, John Carney, Making News, tariffs, Trade, Trump, wholesale prices

I’m pleased to announce that I’m scheduled to make my debut on Israel’s i24News tonight! The segment, slated to air at 7:49 PM EST, will cover President Trump’s trade policies, and you can watch on-line at this link. As usual, if you can’t tune in, I’ll post a link to the streaming video as soon as one’s available.

Also, my analysis earlier this week of new data on American wholesale prices and what they’re telling us about the Trump tariffs was quoted by John Carney in this Breitbart.com analysis.

And keep checking in with RealityChek for news of upcoming media appearances and other developments.